The article analyzes the conditions of the participation of women on the job market in occupied Serbia in the course of the World War II. Its focus is on the policy of the local collaborationist ...government and the attitudes of the German occupation authorities regarding female employment and the working conditions of employed women, the possibilities and forms of their employment, and the position of the female workforce. This research is conducted on the basis of archival material, wartime press, and literature.
Sexual violence in a war varies depending on the scale, form and kind of the conflict. The Bulgarian occupation of Serbian and Yugoslav territories in the First and Second World Wars had a lot of ...similarities both in the form and character of the occupation system, but also in how sexual violence was executed and utilised. During the Second World War, Bulgarian forces committed fewer crimes of this nature than during the First World War. Still, the use of violence and terror in response to resistance remained the same and extremely brutal against the civilians. Rape was even officially proclaimed as one of the ways of reprisal against the population in regions where rebels were active. At the same time, arbitrary attacks against civilians were punished to the greatest extent. During the so-called “punitive expeditions”, the number of rapes committed and their cruelty were highly striking. Numerous cases testify that some women were victims of violence repeatedly. The perpetrators considered neither their age nor their social and health status. Moreover, they were frequently exposed to additional humiliation, so it often happened that the rape occurred in front of family members and their closest neighbours or that the raped women were pregnant. The perpetrators of the rape were both soldiers and military officers. Some of them were repeatedly recorded in the post-war testimonies and memories of the victims as multiple culprits of this violence. The post-war recording of committed crimes of rape, which was carried out for a peace conference, although insufficiently reliable, provides illustrative data on the use of sexual violence in the war. It also testifies to the politicisation and instrumentalisation of these crimes both in war and in peace.
Članak se bavi genezom, oblicima i perspektivama razvoja digitalne istorije, nove naučne discipline nastale primenom informacionih tehnologija u istraživanju prošlosti. Tokom poslednjih 25 godina, ...digitalna istorija se razvila u prepoznatljivu, mada ne i jasno definisanu disciplinu, koja transformiše istorijsku nauku. Razmatraju se promene koje digitalizacija donosi, od strukture istorijskih izvora, njihovog prikupljanja i obrade, do analize sadržaja, tehnike istorijskih istraživanja i predstavljanja njihovih rezultata. Dinamičan, ali i nejednak razvoj u ovoj oblasti ilustruje se nizom primera, uz nastojanje da se kritički sagledaju mogućnosti i ograničenja digitalne istorije, ali pre svega da se doprinese njenom ovladavanju.
Djordje Karadjordjević, the eldest son of King Peter I, was remembered as a brave and honest person, who didn't agree to compromises. In public opinion, this impression often overshadowed the fact ...that his inappropriate behavior caused numerous incidents. Because of them, he renounced his right to inherit the throne in 1909, and was isolated and under medical supervision from 1925 until the beginning of the Second World War. During the Second World War, the German occupation authorities allowed Prince Djordje to live in Belgrade under certain conditions. He was under surveillance by the police and intelligence services, but despite this, he maintained contacts with representatives of the resistance movements. Both among the population and among the representatives of the resistance movements, there was an expectation that he would support and participate in the fight against the occupiers. In this sense, numerous rumors appeared in the public, and some of them were consciously created. Prince Djordje refused the offers of the occupation and collaborationist authorities to engage in their favor. Through his secretary Milorad Panić Surep, he provided financial assistance to the communist organization and tried to join the People's Liberation Movement, but these efforts were not realized. After liberation, the authorities treated him with respect, but he was marginalized and his support and assistance to the People's Liberation Movement remained unknown to the public. His fate was used for the propaganda of anti-dynastic views, primarily through the promotion of his memories, which only reached the beginning of the Second World War and portrayed King Aleksandar Karadjordjević in a negative light. Although seen as brave and determined person like his ancestor Karadjordje, Prince Djordje was also seen as a tragic figure, as a new Hamlet, whose fate, despite his personal courage, was embodied in the tragedy and suffering caused by his closest environment.
This innovative book explores the complexities and levels of resistance amongst the populations of Southeastern Europe during the Second World War. It provides a comparative and transnational ...approach to the histories of different resistance movements in the region, examining the factors that contributed to their emergence and development, their military and political strategies, and the varieties of armed and unarmed resistance in the region. The authors discuss ethical choices, survival strategies, and connections across resistance movements and groups throughout Southeastern Europe. The aim is to show that to properly understand anti-Axis resistance in the region during the Second World War historians must think beyond conventional and traditional national histories that have tended to dominate studies of resistance in the region. And they must also think of anti-Axis resitance as encompassing more than just military forms.
The authors are mainly scholars based in the regions in question, many of whom are presenting their original research for the first time to an English language readership. The book includes contributions dealing with Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, Macedonia, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia.
U radu su, na osnovu arhivske građe, memoaristike, štampe i stručne literature analizirani delatnost i život princa Đorđa Karađorđevića u okupiranoj Srbiji tokom Drugog svetskog rata. Učinjen je ...osvrt na njegovu dotadašnju sudbinu, političke stavove i pokušaje da se tokom rata angažuje na strani antifašističkih snaga. Naročita pažnja posvećena je ulozi koju je njegova ličnost imala u javnosti, očekivanjima koje su prema njemu ispoljavale zaraćene strane i njegovim stavovima po tom pitanju. Proučeni su uslovi pod kojima je živeo i odnos narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta i komunističkih snaga prema njemu tokom rata i posle oslobođenja zemlje.
Djordje Karadjordjević, the eldest son of King Peter I, was remembered as a brave and honest person, who didn’t agree to compromises. In public opinion, this impression often overshadowed the fact ...that his inappropriate behavior caused numerous incidents. Because of them, he renounced his right to inherit the throne in 1909, and was isolated and under medical supervision from 1925 until the beginning of the Second World War. During the Second World War, the German occupation authorities allowed Prince Djordje to live in Belgrade under certain conditions. He was under surveillance by the police and intelligence services, but despite this, he maintained contacts with representatives of the resistance movements. Both among the population and among the representatives of the resistance movements, there was an expectation that he would support and participate in the fight against the occupiers. In this sense, numerous rumors appeared in the public, and some of them were consciously created. Prince Djordje refused the offers of the occupation and collaborationist authorities to engage in their favor. Through his secretary Milorad Panić Surep, he provided financial assistance to the communist organization and tried to join the People’s Liberation Movement, but these efforts were not realized. After liberation, the authorities treated him with respect, but he was marginalized and his support and assistance to the People’s Liberation Movement remained unknown to the public. His fate was used for the propaganda of anti-dynastic views, primarily through the promotion of his memories, which only reached the beginning of the Second World War and portrayed King Aleksandar Karadjordjević in a negative light. Although seen as brave and determined person like his ancestor Karadjordje, Prince Djordje was also seen as a tragic figure, as a new Hamlet, whose fate, despite his personal courage, was embodied in the tragedy and suffering caused by his closest environment.
The article analyzes the conditions of the participation of women on the job market in occupied Serbia in the course of the World War II. Its focus is on the policy of the local collaborationist ...government and the attitudes of the German occupation authorities regarding female employment and the working conditions of employed women, the possibilities and forms of their employment, and the position of the female workforce. This research is conducted on the basis of archival material, wartime press, and literature.
Slobodanka Stefanović belongs to the generation of young men and women who reached adulthood during the thirties and who were willing to fight for the revolutionary transformation of their country. ...Her life and work as a member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, a member of the resistance, and a close associate of the important people in the post‐war Yugoslavia, was sporadically mentioned in post‐war historiography, and more recently it has been followed by the arbitrary media interpretations that have relied heavily on the process of her political rehabilitation. Her activity within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, her work as a member of the resistance, her arrest, imprisonment, stay in the Institute for Compulsory Education of Youth in Smederevska Palanka and her tragic death soon after the liberation of Požarevac in 1944 are closely connected to her relationship with Slobodan Penezić Krcun, the relationship that has still been insufficiently studied. Judicial rehabilitation did not clarify the circumstances of her engagement during the Second World War, or the circumstances of her death, it only defined that her life ended without a proper judicial procedure and a verdict. Slobodanka Stefanović’s life and death represent the rigorous relation of the Communist Party towards its members, which implied the complete subordination of the individual to the interests of the movement and its ideology. Mistakes, weakness and dispiritedness were not forgiven even to erstwhile friends, and if a transgressor was a woman, severe punishment was due because of the traditional view on women’s role in society regardless of the emancipatory potential of the communist movement.
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