This paper addresses syncretism patterns differential object marking (DOM) constructed with oblique morphology (dative, locative, genitive) induces cross-linguistically. It is shown that enriched ...case hierarchies (Starke 2017, Caha 2019, a.o.), which are also extended to ergative-absolutive systems, derive all these syncretisms. Enriched case hierarchies also capture crucial properties of the oblique DOM types discussed here: i) such categories have the syntax of direct objects, as types of structural accusatives, and not obliques, making their oblique appearance rather a matter of PF syncretism; ii) at the same time, oblique DOM can show syntactic differences from unmarked accusatives, motivating the need for more than one instance of the accusative in the hierarchy.
The observation that not all grammatical realizations in heritage languages can be attributed to transfer from a dominant language has been emphasized in several recent works. This paper provides ...further arguments in this direction from heritage Romanian. As opposed to standard Romanian, the heritage Romanian data examined here do not exhibit a restriction which blocks overt definiteness on a differentially marked object (DOM), when the latter is unmodified but interpreted as definite. Moreover, in heritage Romanian there appear to be differences between the differential marker and (other) prepositions when it comes to interactions with overt definiteness. It is shown that the preservation of overt definiteness cannot be reduced to transfer; some of the dominant languages at stake, namely Serbian and Russian are determinerless, with nominals being used bare regardless of their syntactic function. The heritage data in turn give support to a theory under which the differential marker must be structurally set aside from (other) prepositions. If the latter spell out a P projection, the differential marker is the spell out of complex internal structure of certain classes of objects, which must project at least a DP. This structural complexity for DOM is transparent in other Romance languages, where definiteness is equally obligatory on the surface, if a definite interpretation is intended. Thus, the DOM-overt definiteness setting in the heritage data follows from predictable paths of language variation.
Differential object marking (DOM) interacts with nominal structure in complex ways across Romance languages. For example, in Spanish, it has been claimed to ban bare nominals. For Romanian, in turn, ...two main restrictions have been discussed: (i) ban on overt definiteness on unmodified nominals; and (ii) ban on bare nominals, if the structure contains an overt modification. This paper has two main goals. First, it examines some contexts where these types of restrictions can be lifted for some speakers; such contexts allow us to grasp a better understanding of the limits of variation permitted by DOM in its interaction with nominal structure and determiner systems. Secondly, it proposes that a theory under which DOM signals a licensing strategy beyond Case can derive the variation patterns observed in the data. Subsequently, various parameters are examined, which encode (i) how specifications responsible for DOM interact with other features in the composition of nominals; and (ii) how the resulting complex containing DOM as well as other features is resolved at PF.
Although differential object marking (DOM) has been studied from a multitude of perspectives, research into the types of variation it allows in closely related languages is still needed. This article ...examines DOM from the point of view of (micro)variation, focusing on two genetically related languages, namely, standard Spanish and Romanian. Both identities and points of divergence are discussed in detail and argued to result from a morphosyntactic parameter in the realm of differential marking. Following López López, Luis. 2012.
. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, the Spanish special marker signals certain types of nominals which undergo short scrambling in order to have Case licensed. In Romanian, however, DOM is equated with an additional operation beyond the valuation of Case.
Formal Syntax and Deep History Ceolin, Andrea; Guardiano, Cristina; Irimia, Monica Alexandrina ...
Frontiers in psychology,
12/2020, Volume:
11
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
We show that, contrary to long-standing assumptions, syntactic traits, modeled here within the generative biolinguistic framework, provide insights into deep-time language history. To support this ...claim, we have encoded the diversity of nominal structures using 94 universally definable binary parameters, set in 69 languages spanning across up to 13 traditionally irreducible Eurasian families. We found a phylogenetic signal that distinguishes all such families and matches the family-internal tree topologies that are safely established through classical etymological methods and datasets. We have retrieved "near-perfect" phylogenies, which are essentially immune to homoplastic disruption and only moderately influenced by horizontal convergence, two factors that instead severely affect more externalized linguistic features, like sound inventories. This result allows us to draw some preliminary inferences about plausible/implausible cross-family classifications; it also provides a new source of evidence for testing the representation of diversity in syntactic theories.
This paper focuses on object experiencer (OE) causatives in Romanian, identifying a less discussed pattern of variation. The results of a pilot study indicate that for a class of speakers such ...predicates are not grammatical with an indefinite object, if the latter is not differentially marked. A second class of speakers can accept unmarked objects but only if access to direct evidence of the event is available. As these restrictions set aside OE causatives from physical causatives, a non-trivial question refers to the nature of this difference. An analysis is proposed that revolves around a pragmatic distinction between OE verbs and physical causatives. More precisely, insights put forward by pragmatic investigations of OE verbs have consolidated the observation, which we follow here, that these types of predicates presuppose a perception event in which the object of the asserted event is a perceiver. We further propose that the perception presupposition can be established in the context either by differential object marking (DOM), which has an independently motivated sentience feature, or by direct evidence. Subsequently, we also show that an analysis along these lines gives better results when addressing these types of splits against more general interactions between causatives, inanimate subjects and DOM; under previous accounts, the facts under discussion are either unpredicted or not straightforward to derive.
Tema su ovoga rada kauzativni glagoli s objektnim iskustvenikom u rumunjskom jeziku, kod čega se identificira jedan varijacijski obrazac koji je dosada bio manje pretresan. Rezultati pilot-istraživanja upućuju na to da su za jednu skupinu govornika ovakvi predikati s neodređenim objektom agramatični ako on nije diferencijalno obilježen. Druga pak skupina govornika može prihvatiti neobilježene objekte, ali samo ako je dostupna izravna bjelodanost događaja. Kako ova ograničenja razdvajaju kauzativne glagole s objektnim iskustvenikom od fizičkih kauzativa, netrivijalno pitanje se odnosi na narav te razlike. Predlažemo analizu koje je stožer pragmatička razlika među glagolom s objektnim iskustvenikom i fizičkim kauzativima. Preciznije, uvidi dobiveni pragmatičkim ispitivanjem glagolā s objektnim iskustvenikom utvrđuju opažaj, koji ovdje slijedimo, da ova vrsta predikata pretpostavlja perceptivni događaj u kojem je perceptor objekt događaja za koji se veli da se je dogodio. Nadalje, predlažemo da se pretpostavka percepcije može ustanoviti u kontekstu bilo s pomoću diferencijalnoga obilježivanja objekta (DOM), koji ima nezavisno motivirano obilježje ćutivosti ili izravnu bjelodanost. Zatim također pokazujemo da analiza u tom pravcu daje bolje rezultate kada se tematiziraju rascijepi ovoga tipa nasuprot općenitijim interakcijama među kauzativima, neživim subjektima i DOM-om; po prijašnjim tumačenjima činjenice koje se ovdje pretresaju ili su nepredvidive ili se ne mogu izravno izvesti.
The question of whether differentially marked objects should be linked with Case licensing or some other mechanism in the grammar has given rise to numerous debates. Addressing contexts of ...differential object marking (DOM) with oblique morphology, this article shows that, while the Case licensing approach might be adequate for varieties of Spanish, oblique differential marking rather signals an independent licensing operation, beyond Case, in languages like Romanian, Gujarati or Mandarin Chinese. This additional mechanism, relevant at the syntax-semantics-pragmatics interface, tracks the role of grammaticalized animates or how the speaker relates to other entities in the discourse. Additionally, the data examined here indicate that objects can come in a variety of sizes and structures, with distinct licensing constraints, such that the divide Case licensed/unlicensed or Case licensing/(pseudo-)incorporation is not enough.
Aquest article ofereix una visió descriptiva dels trets empírics més importants que caracteritzen el marcatge diferencial d’objecte (MDO) en el romanès estàndard modern, des dels paràmetres purament ...interpretatius fins als orientats més sintàcticament. Es revisen diversos aspectes, entre els quals hi ha l’estatus argumental dels objectes marcats diferencialment en romanès, a més del marcatge preposicional manifest, les interaccions amb la duplicació de clític i les escales d’animacitat i especificitat. La part final està dedicada a una presentació dels nombrosos problemes que planteja el MDO romanès per als enfocaments formals. En aquest context, es demostra que les anàlisis que consideren que aquest fenomen assenyala un mecanisme en la interfície sintaxi-semàntica-pragmàtica semblen ser les més adequades per a les dades.
The theoretical status of differential object marking (DOM) has given rise to numerous debates. In this paper we examine data from a set of languages with DOM (Uzbek, Hindi-Urdu, Estonian, Finnish), ...showing that previous theories addressing the problem of object licensing in DOM languages are insufficient to account for the facts. The complex morpho-syntactic behavior of direct objects in these languages provides further support to an account according to which DOM does not simply signal the difference between syntactically licensed objects, which are marked, and unlicensed ones, which are unmarked. Rather, DOM signals an additional licensing operation beyond that of structural licensing in terms of (uninterpretable) Case (following Irimia 2020, 2021, 2022).
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