U radu se obrađuje praćenje predizborne kampanje prvih slobodnih izbora u
Hrvatskoj u hrvatskom tisku. Autor je nastojao utvrditi je li postojala
medijska pristranost u praćenju predizborne kampanje ...prvoga kruga parlamentarnih izbora 1990. u Hrvatskoj. Analizirano je na koji su način
dnevnici (Vjesnik i Večernji list) i tjednici (Danas i ST)
pisali o političkim strankama i koalicijama u promatranom razdoblju. Prvi cilj istraživanja bio je dokazati postoji li medijska pristranost, a
drugi postoji li pluralizam medija nakon gotovo polustoljetnoga jednostranačkoga socijalističkog sustava. Pokazalo se da medijska pristranost postoji u svim promatranim medijima, ali se favorizirane i marginalizirane stranke razlikuju ovisno o promatranome mediju.
The paper deals with the coverage of the election campaign of the first free parliamentary elections in Croatia in the Croatian press. The aim is to establish whether media bias existed in the coverage of the election campaign of the first round of the parliamentary elections in 1990. It analyses how the dailies Vjesnik Herald and Večernji list Evening Paper and weeklies Danas Today and ST
covered the political parties and coalitions in the examined period. Three subdivisions of media bias are defined: gatekeeping bias, which is
a tendency of the media to give a disproportionate amount of space to the election favourites; content bias, which exists if the relevant options are not given an equal amount of space; and statement bias, which exists if some relevant parties are portrayed in a more favourable
way than the others. The first aim of the research is to demonstrate whether media bias existed in the coverage of the election campaign, and
the second to determine whether media pluralism existed after almost half a century of a one-party socialist system. Quantitative content analysis is used to analyse a total of 1,185 articles included in the research. It is shown that media bias existed in all analysed media, but
the favoured and marginalised parties were different.
The paper deals with the coverage of the election campaign of the first free parliamentary elections in Croatia in the Croatian press. The aim is to establish whether media bias existed in the ...coverage of the election campaign of the first round of the parliamentary elections in 1990. It analyses how the dailies Vjesnik Herald and Večernji list Evening Paper and weeklies Danas Today and ST covered the political parties and coalitions in the examined period. Three subdivisions of media bias are defined: gatekeeping bias, which is a tendency of the media to give a disproportionate amount of space to the election favourites; content bias, which exists if the relevant options are not given an equal amount of space; and statement bias, which exists if some relevant parties are portrayed in a more favourable way than the others. The first aim of the research is to demonstrate whether media bias existed in the coverage of the election campaign, and the second to determine whether media pluralism existed after almost half a century of a one-party socialist system. Quantitative content analysis is used to analyse a total of 1,185 articles included in the research. It is shown that media bias existed in all analysed media, but the favoured and marginalised parties were different.
The paper attempts to explain Milan Šufflay’s ideological views in a broader European context of anti-modernism and counter-Enlightenment tendencies. Milan Šufflay was a critic of the modern world ...and its manifestations. His views were similar to other counter-Enlightenment thinkers such as Oswald Spengler, Henri Bergson, Gustave Le Bon, etc. Šufflay despised individualism and rationalism, and admired collectivism and power of the myth. Šufflay thought that the answer to problems of the modern world lay in a return to medieval values – i.e. spiritual values against material values, which were predominant in his time.Šufflay’s anti-modernist views were closely connected with his nationalism. He was a proponent of organic nationalism and claimed that a nation is a community of the present, former, and future generations. In his works, he stressed the importance of historical memory, culture, geography, and race as factors in the shaping of the nation. He emphasised the Catholic faith of Croats and Occidentalism, which he claimed manifested through the whole of the nation’s history and should therefore be represented in the collective memory of Croats. In that sense, Šufflay’s views were similar to those of Croatian interwar nationalists (e.g. Filip Lukas), and he also constructed Croat national identity vis-a-vis Yugoslavism. Because of the great differences between Croats and Serbs, Šufflay claimed that Yugoslavia was an artificial and unsustainable state.Šufflay’s geopolitical insights were also connected with his essentialist vision of the two perennial antagonistic camps – East and West. In that sense, he anticipated Samuel Huntington’s idea about the Clash of Civilizations. Šufflay thought that sort of apocalyptic clash between the West, led by an ‘Anglo-American bloc’, and the East, led by China and India with the Soviet Union as their ‘vanguard’, was approaching. In that clash, Šufflay argued, the Croats must ally themselves with the West, as they had done throughout their entire history.
The paper attempts to explain Milan Šufflay's ideological views in a broader European context of anti-modernism and counter-Enlightenment tendencies. Milan Šufflay was a critic of the modern world ...and its manifestations. His views were similar to other counter-Enlightenment thinkers such as Oswald Spengler, Henri Bergson, Gustave Le Bon, etc. Šufflay despised individualism and rationalism, and admired collectivism and power of the myth. Šufflay thought that the answer to problems of the modern world lay in a return to medieval values – i.e. spiritual values against material values, which were predominant in his time. Šufflay's anti-modernist views were closely connected with his nationalism. He was a proponent of organic nationalism and claimed that a nation is a community of the present, former, and future generations. In his works, he stressed the importance of historical memory, culture, geography, and race as factors in the shaping of the nation. He emphasised the Catholic faith of Croats and Occidentalism, which he claimed manifested through the whole of the nation's history and should therefore be represented in the collective memory of Croats. In that sense, Šufflay's views were similar to those of Croatian interwar nationalists (e.g. Filip Lukas), and he also constructed Croat national identity vis-a-vis Yugoslavism. Because of the great differences between Croats and Serbs, Šufflay claimed that Yugoslavia was an artificial and unsustainable state. Šufflay's geopolitical insights were also connected with his essentialist vision of the two perennial antagonistic camps – East and West. In that sense, he anticipated Samuel Huntington's idea about the Clash of Civilizations. Šufflay thought that sort of apocalyptic clash between the West, led by an 'Anglo-American bloc', and the East, led by China and India with the Soviet Union as their 'vanguard', was approaching. In that clash, Šufflay argued, the Croats must ally themselves with the West, as they had done throughout their entire history.
U proljeće 1940. u Banovini Hrvatskoj održani su općinski izbori. Hrvatska seljačka stranka, tada na vlasti u Banovini Hrvatskoj u njima je vidjela priliku da se njeni stanovnici referendumski odrede ...prema samoj Banovini i politici Sporazuma Cvetković-Maček, koji je trebao državi donijeti unutarnju stabilnost. Zamjena općinskih vijeća i uprava onima sklonijima politici Sporazuma, prekrajanja
područja općina u predizborno vrijeme, uz nove izborne propise, ali i forsiranje određenih kandidata i listi na lokalnoj razini, te poništavanja izbornih rezultata u pojedinim općinama gdje nije u očima vlastodržaca ostvaren željeni rezultat, definitivno su doprinijeli tome da se ovi lokalni izbori shvate kao važno referendumsko pitanje za građane – pri čemu je njihove rezultate HSS prikazivao
kao veliku pobjedu ideje Banovine Hrvatske.
Autor u radu problematizira zanemareno djelovanje publicista Josipa Horvata za vrijeme Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH). U tom svjetlu uspoređuje Horvatove stavove koji proizlaze iz njegovog posthumno ...objavljenog dnevnika te iz tekstova napisanih za vrijeme rata. Dovodeći u pitanje autentičnost pojedinih dijelova dnevnika, autor zaključuje da su „privatni” stavovi sporedni za intelektualca te da se on ostvaruje u javnom djelovanju. Naime, Horvat je za vrijeme NDH pisao brojne tekstove iz jasno arti-kulirane hrvatsko nacionalističke i konzervativne te proosovinske perspektive i hvalio je državno vodstvo, za što je pred sam kraj NDH odlikovan.
Vedran Duančić, Geography and Nationalist Visions of Interwar Yugoslavia (Basingstoke, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), xi + 286 str.
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