Glorification is more and more present nowadays, also like denial crimes committed. Thereby they want to relativize crimes, falsify all historical events, and ultimately try to equalize criminals ...with the victim. Glorification, revisionism, and disclamation become so important. Criminals and their bad deeds are presented as heroic, mythical, and ideal. They introduce themselves as leaders, representatives, and sons of the best from the nation where they come from. Instead of shame and confronting society with criminals and their crimes, they are celebrated, respected, and elevated to the greatest human values. This is a paradox of the modern world. The analysis of relevant documentation (documents of the so-called Army of republic Srpska ICTY, judgments, reference literature in the subject area...) will be an attempt to explain the topic of glorification. Offering solutions to possible deviations from the permanent glorification of crimes and criminals has become a challenge of the modern age.
Commission of individual and mass crimes against values protected by international law, including the crime of genocide, was also directed towards changes in ethnic and demographic structures of ...population. All these are the features of fascistic, great state ideologies and policies. The most severe and most brutal forms of the implementation of the great state projects took place in the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Namely, the great-Serbian genocidal ideology and policy has in continuity for more than two centuries practiced mass crimes against values protected by international law, including the crime of genocide against Bosniacs. Already in 1992, and independent, sovereign and internationally recognised Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was exposed to a brutal armed aggression by the neighbouring Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). The objective of the aggression was fulfilment of several century long great state goal, and/or final completion of the space in which Serbs would dominantly live – the great Serbia. This goal was not possible without execution of grave forms of war crimes, namely in final destruction Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state and society. Impacts of such approach are particularly visible in the aspect of changes in demographic structure of population. Strategically important space for great-Serbian genocidal ideology and policy was and is the space of Bosnian Podrinje. Crime committed against Bosniacs in 1992-1995, including those committed in Višegrad, are essential part of the enforcement of the great-Serbian genocidal plan on making ethnically “clean” territories. According to 1991 census, there were 21,199 residents of Višegrad, of which 13,471 Bosniacs (63.54%) and 6,743 Serbs (31.80%). The Bosniacs of Višegrad were, especially in spring and summer of 1992, subjected to different forms of crimes, including mass murders, setting on fire, incarceration in camps, rapes, and persecution of civilians. Regardless of huge extent of crimes, the genocidal ideology was not given up even after the signing of the Dayton peace agreement. Adapted to peacetime conditions, even today, thirty years since the aggression, different forms of psychological and physical violence against Bosniacs have been used in Višegrad. Frequent attacks and harassment of returnees are followed by, for example line-up of members of the Ravna Gora Chetnic movement, a symbol of crimes against Bosniacs of Podrinje area in the WWII, or celebration of the Day of Russian Volunteers, who took part in the attacks and crimes against Podrinje Bosniacs during the aggression. Open discrimination and dehumanisation of Bosniacs returnees, permanent celebration of crimes and criminals are everyday events. All of this negatively affects continuation of the process of return of Bosniacs to their historic residence. The analysis of the contents of the relevant archives, especially two relevant censuses in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991 and 2013) shall elaborate the demographic changes, which took place in Višegrad in this relevant period. It is the fact that the Bosniacs are today the absolute minority in Višegrad, which is the result of the committed crimes, including the genocide against Bosniacs, which ultimately resulted in the altered ethnic demographic structure of population. Višegrad is also subjected to a fast process of ageing, both due to the reduced number of returnees and due to the emigration of biologically productive population. Even all the other demographic indicators suggest that Višegrad is becoming the town of old people and general societal hopelessness, which shall be also detailed in the paper. This is also one of the ways to fully implement the practice of ethnically clean “Serb” territories. Nowadays, the political leaders of the smaller BiH entity and municipality Višegrad are preoccupied with the policy of denial of Bosniacs identity markers and provision of hopelessness for returnees, which finally brings no good to population in general, regardless of their ethnic background.
A review of a book The Emergence of the Republic of Srpska: from Regionalization to Strategic Goals (1991-1992) by Muamer Džananović, Jasmin Medić and Hikmet Karčić (University of Sarajevo Institute ...for the Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law /University of Sarajevo Institue for History, 2023).
The book presents a thorough, layered and comprehensive analysis of the creation of the parastate creation of the Republic of Srpska on the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a focus on the process of regionalization and the strategic goals by which this idea was shaped and implemented on to the work. The publishers of the book are the Institute for the Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law University of Sarajevo and Institute of History University of Sarajevo.
Glorification is more and more present nowadays, also like denial crimes committed. Thereby they want to relativize crimes, falsify all historical events, and ultimately try to equalize criminals ...with the victim. Glorification, revisionism, and disclamation become so important. Criminals and their bad deeds are presented as heroic, mythical, and ideal. They introduce themselves as leaders, representatives, and sons of the best from the nation where they come from. Instead of shame and confronting society with criminals and their crimes, they are celebrated, respected, and elevated to the greatest human values. This is a paradox of the modern world. The analysis of relevant documentation (documents of the so-called Army of republic Srpska ICTY, judgments, reference literature in the subject area...) will be an attempt to explain the topic of glorification. Offering solutions to possible deviations from the permanent glorification of crimes and criminals has become a challenge of the modern age.
In conditions of rapid technological changes and ongoing introduction of new technologies in the media, we need to continuously work on the timely adjustment of human resources to new challenges. New ...technologies imply growing demands in terms of a set of necessary knowledge and skills, which imposes the need for introduction of the system of total quality management (Total Quality Management - TQM). At the same time, TQM has positive effects on the productivity and competitiveness of the media. The introduction of TQM system in the media provides the prerequisites for the establishment of efficient processes, selection of necessary personnel and efficient system of continuous training of employees. The pace at which employees in the media accept new technologies directly affects employee satisfaction, as well as customer satisfaction. Furthermore, this ultimately has an impact on the excellence of business processes in the media and the possibility of improving their position in the market.
The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there ...was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.
The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there ...was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.
Commission of individual and mass crimes against values protected by international law, including the crime of genocide, was also directed towards changes in ethnic and demographic structures of ...population. All these are the features of fascistic, great state ideologies and policies. The most severe and most brutal forms of the implementation of the great state projects took place in the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Namely, the great-Serbian genocidal ideology and policy has in continuity far more than two centuries practiced mass crimes against values protected by international law, including the crime of genocide against Bosniacs. Already in 1992, and independent, sovereign and internationally recognised Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was exposed to a brutal armed aggression by the neighbouring Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). The objective of the aggression was fulfillment of several century long great stale goal, and/or final completion of the space in which Serbs would dominantly live - the great Serbia. This goal was not possible without execution of grave forms of war crimes, namely in final destruction Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state and society. Impacts of such approach are particularly visible in the aspect of changes in demographic structure of population. Strategically important space far great-Serbian genocidal ideology and policy was and is the space of Bosnian Podrinje. Crime committed against Bosniacs in 1992-1995, including those committed in Višegrad, are essential part of the enforcement of the great-Serbian genocidal plan on making ethnically "clean " territories. According to 1 991 census, there were 21,199 residents of Višegrad, of which 13,471 Bosniacs (63.54%) and 6,743 Serbs (31.80%). The Bosniacs of Višegrad were, especially in spring and summer of 1992, subjected to different forms of crimes, including mass murders, setting on fire, incarceration in camps, rapes, and persecution of civilians. Regardless of huge extent of crimes, the genocidal ideology was not given up even after the signing of the Dayton peace agreement. Adapted to peacetime conditions, even today, thirty years since the aggression, different forms of psychological and physical violence against Bosniacs have been used in Višegrad. Frequent attacks and harassment of returnees are followed by, far example line-up of members of the Ravna Gora Chetnic movement, a symbol of crimes against Bosniacs of Podrinje area in the WWII, or celebration of the Day of Russian Volunteers, who took part in the attacks and crimes against Podrinje Bosniacs during the aggression. Open discrimination and dehumanisation of Bosniacs returnees, permanent celebration of crimes and criminals are everyday events. Ali of this negatively affects continuation of the process of return of Bosniacs to their historic residence. The analysis of the contents of the relevant archives, especially two relevant censuses in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991 and 2013) shall elaborate the demographic changes, which took place in Višegrad in this relevant period. It is the fact that the Bosniacs are today the absolute minority in Višegrad, which is the result of the committed crimes, including the genocide against Bosniacs, which ultimately resulted in the altered ethnic demographic structure of population. Višegrad is also subjected to a fast process of ageing, both due to the reduced number of returnees and due to the emigration of biologically productive population. Even all the other demographic indicators suggest that Višegrad is becoming the town of old people and general societal hopelessness, which shall be also detailed in the paper. This is also one of the ways to fully implement the practice of ethnically clean "Serb" territories. Nowadays, the political leaders of the smaller BiH entity and municipality Višegrad are preoccupied with the policy of denial of Bosniacs identity markers and provision of hopelessness far returnees, which finally brings no good to population in general, regardless of their ethnic background.
The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there ...was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideologicalcivil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the pluralization of society and the state began during 1990. This is the time when political parties are formed and the first multi-party parliamentary elections are held. ...Due to the strong influence and domination of the ethnic principle, political parties were formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in two basic forms: as ethnic or people's (national) parties, and as civic (multiethnic) parties. In almost all election cycles from the beginning of the pluralization of Bosnian society until today, ethnic political parties have won the elections. Ethnic political parties have appropriated a monopoly in the promotion of national interests since the 1990 election campaign, guided by the idea of protecting the national interests of “their“ peoples. The continued rule of ethnic parties without a coalition political agenda and agreement has strengthened ethnic pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, instead of democratic decision-making and competition between the majority and the opposition, the representative bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina have become an arena and a place of mutual competition and confrontation between the parties that make up the parliamentary majority. The lack of the necessary democratic consensus between the ruling ethnic political parties at the state level was compensated and compensated by the High Representative of the International Community (OHR), who, on the basis of the Bonn powers, promulgated certain laws. Hundreds of laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been promulgated by high representatives. This prevented blockages in the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the absence of the necessary consensus of the ruling ethnic parties, it is not possible to develop or strengthen the power of parliaments as the highest representative body of the people and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of parliamentary democracy, classical partitocracy is at work. The situation is similar at the entity level, and at the cantonal level in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity. All this, along with heterogeneous and complicated decision-making procedures and processes, ultimately reflects on the adoption of laws and decisions of importance to society and the state. Complicated forms of decision-making and the existence of a famous mechanism for the protection of vital national interests are some of the obstacles to the development of the state and society. All of these are some of the essential problems, but also the controversies that follow the decision-making processes in the representative bodies in the country. This is especially true of the adoption of important and significant public policies aimed at solving socio-political problems. Only decision-making at the level of local self-government units (municipalities and cities) can serve as a positive example. In general, the local level of government has so far proved to be the most efficient level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basis for strengthening the democratic decision-making capacities of the representative bodies of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the application of the democratic principle on which parliamentary democracy is established and functions. Applying almost all basic and general scientific research methods, as well as the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation as a method of data acquisition, will identify key problems and controversies of public decision-making and policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the period after the Dayton Peace Agreement. today. A conclusion will be drawn on the need to establish a parliamentary majority based on the coalition agreement and the political program of that coalition, which significantly affects the public decision-making processes and the adoption of the necessary state public policy. Bosnia and Herzegovina is required to reconstruct public decisions in the direction of strengthening state public decisions and policies and building European standards, in order to more efficiently compose them with the requirements and directives of the European Union.
PDF
