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This volume is a holistic assessment of six decades of European integration as seen through a gender lens. It features the insights of scholars from nine countries, who analyze new and old ...barriers to gender equality in all realms of EU activity. The first part of the volume offers a critique of mainstream integration theories and situates women across core institutional settings. It traces women's roles as formal actors, as participants in expert networks, and as creative conceptualizers introducing paradigm-changing frameworks and strategies. It also recognizes women as policy innovators contributing to the larger integration project. In the second part the contributors pay special attention to the development and effects of gender mainstreaming. They explore 'gendering' dynamics and outcomes in EU policy domains, including agriculture, the employment and social policy fields, the research, science and technology sector, and the emergent EU migration and citizenship policy arena.
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'Given the current mood of disenchantment with the EU as a political system, this book provides a timely reminder that for the last 40 years, the EU has acted as a social innovator particularly in the field of gender justice. Many of the provisions for women that we now take for granted have their origins in measures adopted by the EU or fought for in the European Court of Justice. As this book ably illustrates, this provided a platform for policy debate and expansion both into new fields and into new cultural arenas. The picture is a complex one with the relative simplicity of the early days being replaced by a more complex policy frames and more difficult contexts. The great value of this book is that it traces this story not only in the traditional fields of employment and childcare but in new areas such as agriculture, research and technology and migration policy.' - Catherine Hoskyns, Professor, University of Coventry, UK 'In Gendering the European Union the editors have assembled an impressive range of experts and powerful arguments for the importance of the European project for gender equality. The volume turns a wealth of new research into a readable and insightful analysis of the gendered nature of EU institutions and the concrete gender outcomes of EU policymaking. The authors also remind us that the quest for a more inclusive society is fragile under the current conditions of global economic crisis, making this book a must-read for students, scholars, and practitioners interested in the future of gender politics, and, more generally, the future of the European Union.' - Sabine Lang, Associate Professor, Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington, USA 'This book is a must for any European student or scholar. The authors and editors succeed in making a convincing case skilfully and correctly arguing for including a gender analysis into all studies on European integration. Written and edited by leading scholars, this book deserves wide attention and has the potential to become a classic. It not only provides for a better understanding of the theoretical approaches underpinning the European gender analysis over the last 30 years, but it also offers detailed case studies in new policy domains, which help the reader understand the dynamics of European policy making from a gender perspective, making a complex study very approachable. It is feminist analysis and scholarship at its best.' - Barbara Helfferich, European Policy Director, Wildlife Conservation Society.PreviouslySecretary General, European Women's Lobby and Member of the Cabinet of the European Social Affairs Commissioner.
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Contents Acknowledgements List of Tables, Figures and Boxes List of Abbreviations and Acronyms Notes on Contributors Introduction: Studying the European Union from a Gender Perspective; G.Abels & J.M.Mushaben PART I: GENDERING PERSPECTIVES AND EU PROCESSES Gendering Theories of European Integration; A.Kronsell Gendering the Institutions and Actors of the EU; A.van der Vleuten Gendering the EU Policy Process and Constructing the Gender Acquis; B.Locher From Equal Treatment to Gender Mainstreaming and Diversity Management; A.E.Woodward Gendering Enlargement of the European Union; Y.Galligan & S.Clavero PART II: MELIORATING OLD AND NEW EU POLICY DEFICITS AND BLIND SPOTS The Common Agricultural Policy and Gender Equality; E.Prügl Gendering Employment Policy: From Equal Pay to Work-life Balance; A.Hubert Gendering the Social Policy Agenda: Anti-discrimination, Social Inclusion and Social Protection; M.Stratigaki Research by, for and about Women: Gendering Science and Research Policy; G.Abels Women on the Move: EU Migration and Citizenship Policy; J.M.Mushaben Conclusion: Rethinking the Double Democratic Deficit of the EU; J.M.Mushaben & G.Abels References Index
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An exploration of European integration as seen through a gender lens. This book looks at integration theories, institutional relationships, enlargement, the development of gender law and the role of formal actors, scholars and expert networks in the EU policy-making process. With a focus on gender mainstreaming as a new approach to gender policy.
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Behning, Ute and Amparo Serrano Pascual. 2001. Gender Mainstreaming in the European Employment Strategy. Brüssel: ETUI.
Biester, Elke, Barbara Holland-Cunz, Mechthild M. Jansen, Eva Maleck-Lewy, Anja Ruf, and Birgit Sauer eds. 1994. Das unsichtbare Geschlecht der Europa. Der europäische Einigungsprozeß aus feministischer Sicht. Frankfurt/M., New York: Campus.
Elman, Amy R. 1996. Sexual Politics and the European Union: The New Feminist Challenge. Providence, RI: Berghahn.
Hoskyns, Catherine. 2003. Gender Perspectives. In European Integration Theory. Ed. Wiener, Antje and Thomas Diez. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Judge, David and David Earnshaw. 2003. The European Parliament. Houndmills, New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Liebert, Ulrike ed. 2003.Gendering Europeanisation. Bruxelles, Bern, Berlin, Frankfurt/M., New York, Oxford, Wien: P.I.E.-Peter Lang. van der Vleuten, Anna. 2007. The Price of Gender Equality: Member States and Governance in the European Union. Aldershot: Ashgate.
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An assessment of the sixty-year process of European integration as viewed through a gender lens
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GABRIELE ABELS is Professor of Comparative Political Science and European Integration, Department of Political Science, University of Tübingen, Germany JOYCE MARIE MUSHABEN is Professor of Comparative and Gender Studies, Department of Political Science, University of Missouri-St. Louis, USA
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Adds an important dimension to the study of the European Union by assessing its institutions and policies through the lens of gender
Features theoretical insights as well as concrete policy examples compiled by scholars based in nine different countries, ensuring diverse viewpoints and a multiplicity of approaches to specific stages of EU integration
Addresses gender developments in 'non-traditional' policy domains
Provides a wealth of empirical data based on qualitative and quantitative analysis
Written in 'student-friendly' language, the text draws on day-to-day, country-specific examples showing how EU policies have created new opportunities for women .
Reflecting complex migration dynamics, gender often determines 'who stays, who moves, where, why, how often'-and what they do once they get there. Comprising 46 per cent of Germany's 'foreign-born' ...residents, women can no longer be discounted as merely family dependents; however, this is only half the battle regarding their struggles for occupational opportunity. This study explores the experiences of five migrant groups, each of which has undergone a different type of gender-role reconfiguration-owing to divergent legal categorisations and employment rights-resulting in varying opportunities for social integration and political enfranchisement.
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Between 1972 and 1986, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) witnessed the rise of an underground civil society which gradually impelled the collapse of the socialist regime, opening the door to ...political freedom. Following unification, new elites eliminated 90 mass organisations that had served as the mainstay of GDR community interaction, presuming that a common institutional framework would soon allow Germans 'who belonged together to grow together'. To prove stable in the long run, however, democratic institutions not only need to be 'representative' in a territorial or functional sense; they must also prove responsive to more deep-seated citizen needs. This study posits that citizens who cultivate subjective ties (social capital) in relation to new institutions will not only internalise democratic values more quickly than those lacking such ties but will also be more effective in advancing their interests within the new power structures. It outlines criteria for pinpointing specific associations as potential social capital 'generators', the foundation of civic culture. It then presents four case studies, illustrating ways in which East Germans are creating 'space' for their own norms and associational styles within the new institutional framework. The cases include: die Grüne Liga (Mecklenburg-Vorpommern); the Volkssolidarität (Berlin); Magdeburg's Round-Table against Violence (Sachsen-Anhalt); and the Gleichstellungsstelle-Erfurt (Thüringen). All are found to be fostering citizen competence and identification with democratic processes in the young Länder.
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At least two post-Wende conferences illustrate how quickly old feelings of "shame" and "guilt" are rekindled when Jewish, black or migrant women attempt to carve out their own spaces in the ...contemporary German debate. One such meeting took place near Würzburg in January 1990 on the subject of "Participation and Resistance" (sponsored by the German Youth-Research Institute and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, inter alia); the symposium brought together 60 participants from the FRG, GDR and Austria. The conference embodied an "almost forced effort" to create a false sense of harmony; researchers were confronted with "what they didn't want to thematize," albeit in ways "devoid of factual content."(67) A second conference convened in Cologne during November 1990, titled "Women against Nationalism, Racism, Anti-Semitism, Sexism," was also marked by division and denial. Black women marched out of the plenary session in protest against a concentration on East-West division and a commensurate neglect of North/South differences. "White German women" reportedly responded with rationalizations, irritation and "helpless silence," not real dialogue. Verbal reactions that seem to blame or exonerate the dominant group intensify the painful nature of the confrontation, which rapidly assumes a personal-as-political character. This process triggers further responses along the lines of "I have problems with you attacking us like this" or "German? I don't want anything to do with that."(68) One East German, unwittingly perhaps, pinpointed the special dilemma facing women in her part of the country: "Duplicitous equality -- the abandonment of emancipation -- antifascism imposed from above -- repressed history, and now on top of it, discredited antifascism -- water for the mill of neofascism. One has to endure these contradictions, and allow no more repressing..."(69)
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Viewed through the prism of gender, race and generational change, memories of the Holocaust acquire a dynamic and a salience that differ substantially from one group to the next. This article ...examines the role of gender in sustaining and reconfiguring such memories in Germany; it argues that female victims and perpetrators are moving towards common ground in processing Second World War experiences as they anticipate their own deaths. Ranging from active collaborators to bold resistance fighters, some women proved both deeply reflective, others almost oblivious to the horrors occurring around them, as revealed by (auto)biographical texts. ‘Women under the Nazis’ were not a subordinate, uninformed mass, easily exploited by a megalomaniacal patriarchal establishment; still, their many roles were rated as ‘insignificant’ in configuring the master narrative. The unequal treatment accorded women in the 1940s still shapes the unequal slave-labor compensation accorded women half a century later. This raises new questions about the need to re-establish communication between the generations for the purpose of transmitting lessons of world-historical magnitude linked to the Holocaust.
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Most GDR policies instituted to secure women's equality between 1949 and 1989 have been dismantled in the name of German unity, including freedom of choice regarding abortion. That right ceased to ...exist in May 1993, when the Constitutional Court imposed a number of western restrictions on eastern women as the new law of the land. This study addresses the post-unity search for an acceptable compromise between the western constitutional mandate of foetal protection and the eastern guarantee of a woman's right to choose. It argues that a three-year reform process which should have provided a positive introduction to the art of democratic compromise served instead as a negative socialising experience for Germans in the new Lander. Besides denying them a chance to render a meaningful policy contribution to their new state, the nature of the process has distorted East German perceptions of the quintessential 'balance of power' between legislative and judicial institutions under democracy. 'Compromise' has been attained, but consequences for the German Rechtsstaat are not all positive.
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The Greens in West Germany have taken on the role of "fundamental opposition" the SPD performed before it entered the government in 1966. But they have also been able to generate policy initiatives, ...calculated to meet the demands and pressures of a changing demographic and economic environment, at the same time that they have reawakened citizen interest in the democratic process. Professor Mushaben argues here that even though the "Left" in West German politics does not have the ideological significance it once did, the Greens' performance attests to the continued importance of diverse opposition forces in a liberal democracy.
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German feminist scholars have recently come to argue that female involvement in right-extremist causes is grounded in gender-specific motives. They have also begun to uncover a troubling link between ...new patterns of female political engagement (ranging from electoral mobilisation to violent streetfighting) and their own efforts to promote an independent women's consciousness since the 1960s. This article develops a typology of New Right women, characterised here as Femi-Nazis, evincing different levels of sympathy for, identification with, and participation in radical and extremist movements. It then explores five issue orientations distinguishing New Right women of the 1990s from the Old and New Right men of the 1940s and 1990s, suggesting that these women have developed an independent, self-assertive political consciousness without internalising feminism's broader aims of diversity and inclusion. The article concludes with reflections on the interplay of 'feminist' consciousness and ultra-nationalist qua xenophobic attitudes, and on the dilemmas Femi-Nazi thinking poses for feminist identity in united Germany.
Each generation's contribution to socio-political development lies in the requisite ability to "forget," that is, in its ability to emancipate society by casting off much of the "historical ballast" ...borne by the generations preceding it. A unique geostrategic location, demographic polarization, the absence of a shared sense of national identity, and the accelerated pace of political-economic change are seen to have played a key role in the rapid mobilization of youth protesters, based on a comparison of the East and West German peace movements. Three German "successor generations" differ significantly in the political "meaning" ascribed by each to the movement, as well as in their fundamental political orientations and behaviors. A tendency towards "privatism" or apoliticism among the youngest generation is nonetheless likely to hold important political consequences for the future of German-German relations.
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