Democracy and Sovereignty Erasmus Khan, Daniel; Lagrange, Evelyne; Oeter, Stefan ...
11/2022
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Our world is in urgent need of global answers on subjects such as Big Data, climate change, and the interconnected global economy. This volume tackles those issues and more, with the goal of ...advancing more democratic modes of decision-making.
Living together explores international law responses to the challenges of growing religious antagonisms. Building on historic concepts, it looks at the role of religious institutions and religious ...law before examining the contribution of human rights bodies and particular human rights.
The analytical tension between legal norms, moral values, and national interests seems no uncharted territory in political science, but has found very little interest in legal academia. For lawyers, ...moral values and national interests are largely “unknowns,” dealt with by other disciplines. Looking a bit deeper, the picture becomes more nuanced, however. As part of a roundtable on “Balancing Legal Norms, Moral Values, and National Interests,” this essay argues that norms, values, and interests are not different universes of legal normativity, morality, and specific interests, but are interrelated concepts. Values clearly influence norms and often underpin them, while seemingly concrete norms (rules) are themselves often fragile constructs trying to balance competing interests. Value systems are quite diverse within societies, and this is even truer for interests; each society is a dynamic system of social interaction where conflicting interests are constantly playing out. In a way, underlying conflicts of values and interests are constantly being renegotiated in the legal system, with the norms enshrined in the text of statutes and treaties serving to constitute transitory reference points.
This collection of innovative contributions to the study of legal pluralism in international and transnational law focuses on collisions and conflicts between an increasing number of institutional ...and legal orders, which can manifest themselves in contradictory decisions or mutual obstruction. It combines theoretical approaches from a variety of disciplines with theoretically informed case studies in order to further understanding of the phenomenon of regime collisions. By bringing together scholars of international law, legal philosophy, the social sciences and postcolonial studies from Latin America, the United States and Europe, the volume demonstrates that collisions between various institutional and legal orders affect different regions in different ways, and highlights some of their problematic consequences and identifies methods of addressing such collisions in a more productive manner.
The topics covered in this volume range from classics of the on-going discussion on the economic analysis of international law – such as the issue of legitimacy of customary international law – to ...more recent topics such as internet privacy, private military contractors, the fight against piracy, the International Criminal Court and the highly topical issue of land grabbing.
In Kapitel VII der Charta der Vereinten Nationen sind Maßnahmen bei Friedensbedrohungen und Angriffshandlungen geregelt. Dieses Kernstück des Systems der ›kollektiven Sicherheit‹ sollte die Welt nach ...dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs neu ordnen. In den neunziger Jahren ist es im Zuge der Diskussion um einen ›erweiterten Sicherheitsbegriff‹ in der Praxis des UN-Sicherheitsrats zu einer Entgrenzung der Interpretation von Artikel 39 UN-Charta gekommen. Die Ausweitung des Instrumentariums der Zwangsmaßnahmen nach Kapitel VII ist allerdings mit Problemen verbunden. Die Vereinten Nationen sollten sich auf den Kern des Projekts einer ›verfassten Staatengemeinschaft‹ besinnen.
Chapter VII of the UN Charter regulates international responses in cases of global threats to peace and acts of aggression. This core element of the collective security system was established to restructure the world after the end of World War II. In the nineties, following the discussion of a ‘broad concept of security’, the otherwise restrictive boundaries of interpretation of Article 39 of the UN Charter dissolved when they were subject to the political aims of the UN Security Council. However, the expansion of coercive measures under Chapter VII creates problems. The results of such developments are dangerous for the legitimacy of the collective security system.
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Chapter VII of the UN Charter regulates international responses in cases of global threats to peace and acts of aggression. This core element of the collective security system was established to ...restructure the world after the end of World War II. In the nineties, following the discussion of a 'broad concept of security', the otherwise restrictive boundaries of interpretation of Article 39 of the UN Charter dissolved when they were subject to the political aims of the UN Security Council. However, the expansion of coercive measures under Chapter VII creates problems. The results of such developments are dangerous for the legitimacy of the collective security system
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BFBNIB, NMLJ, NUK, PNG, UL, UM, UPUK
Introduces this special journal section by celebrating the tenth anniversary of the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages, enacted in 1998 to protect minority languages through the ...mechanisms of international treaty law. The charter set in motion an effort to develop a "minimum standard" for national language legislation & laid the groundwork for the development of a new language policy that respects & maintains linguistic diversity in a Europe that is becoming increasingly homogenized both culturally & linguistically. Contributions here focus on the legal aspects of the charter & of national language policy. Implications of the fact that only 14 of the 27 member states of the European Union have ratified the charter are considered. K. Hyatt Stewart
In particular, they have the right (32.1) to use freely their mother tongue in private as well as in public; (32.2) to establish and maintain their own educational, cultural and religious ...institutions, organizations or associations, which can seek voluntary financial and other contributions as well as public assistance, in conformity with national legislation; (32.3) to profess and practise their religion, including the acquisition, possession and use of religious materials, and to conduct religious educational activities in their mother tongue; (32.4) to establish and maintain unimpeded contacts among themselves within their country as well as contacts across frontiers with citizens of other States with whom they share a common ethnic or national origin, cultural heritage or religious beliefs; (32.5) to disseminate, have access to and exchange information in their mother tongue; (32.6) to establish and maintain organizations or associations within their country and to participate in international non-governmental organizations. Dies wird besonders deutlich bei einem Blick auf die "Concluding Observations" der "treaty bodies" für die beiden UN-Pakte von 1966 sowie für die Rassendiskriminierungskonvention.80) Das UN Human Rights Committe hat mit Blick auf die Bestimmungen des Paktes über bürgerliche und politische Rechte in seinen ""Concluding Oservations von 2009 zum Staatenbericht der Türkei Besorgnis gezeigt über "the discrimination and the restrictions suffered by members of minorities, such as the Kurds and the Roma, affecting their right to enjoy their own culture and to use their own language (arts. 2 and 27)" und forderte die Türkei zur Rücknahme ihres Vorbehalts zu Art. 27 IPbürg auf.81) Mit sehr ähnlicher Zielrichtung drückte das Committee on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights in seinen Concluding Observations von 2011 zum Bericht der Türkei Besorgnis aus über "the absence of a broad legislative framework for the recognition of all minorities in the State party, including Kurds, Roma and Arameans, and the protection of their rights". Das Human Rights Committee rügt in seinen Concluding Observations von 2011 zum dritten Staatenbericht des Iran ganz unverblümt, dass der Gebrauch der kulturellen, sprachlichen und religiösen Rechte der Minderheiten, wie der Kurden, Araber, Azeris und Belutschen, durch übermäßige Einschränkungen fast unmöglich gemacht werde - "... is concerned about the restrictions and conditions placed on the enjoyment of cultural, linguistic and religious freedoms of minorities in the State party, such as the Kurds, Arabs, Azeris and Baluch, including the use of minority languages in schools, and publication of journals and newspapers in minority languages (art. 27). Hans-Joachim Heintze (Hrsg.), Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker - Herausforderung der Staatenwelt, Bonn: J.H.W. Dietz Nachfolger1997, S.73 ff. 41) Vgl. hierzu Yildiz (o.Fn. 6), S. 42 ff.; Bengio (o.Fn. 9), S. 209 ff..vgl. ferner Gareth R.V. Stansfield, Iraqi Kurdistan: Political Development and Emerging Democracy, London: Routledge Curzon 2003; Philip S. Hadji, The Case for Kurdish Statehood in Iraq, Case Western Reserve J. of Int'l .Law 41 (2009), S. 516 ff.; Michael J. Kelly, The Kurdish Regional Constitution within the Framework of the Iraqi Federal Constitution: A Struggle for Sovereignty, Oil, Ethnic Identity, and the Prospects for a Reverse Supremacy Clause, Penn State Law Rev. 114 (2010), S. 726 ff. 42) Deswegen wird im Ergebnis doch die Forderung nach Eigenstaatlichkeit erhoben - vgl.
This Introduction to the Symposium on Constituent Power reflects on the changes subsequent to the transfer of fundamental constitutional norms from domestic to global contexts. This transfer raises ...the issue of legitimate global order. Is it possible to address this issue of legitimacy of global governance by shifting the conceptual focus from debates about global constitutionalization towards the involved multiple actorship as a potential constituent power? Is asking a question about the pouvoir constituant helpful in analyzing global constitutionalism as a remedy for the shortcomings of global governance? All contributions to this symposium elaborate on the insight that the concept of constituent power offers a crucial conceptual tool for mapping "unbound" constitutional quality. The developing process of global constitutionalization appears to go hand in hand with a contestation of the very norms promoted by global constitutionalism. This observation raises some general issues about the ultimate effectiveness of global constitutionalization which this symposium attempts to cope with.
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