During the 1970s, Yugoslavia formed a geostrategic partnership with the United States and engaged in multiple cooperative efforts. As one of the republics in Yugoslavia, Montenegro leveraged this ...partnership to establish numerous relations with the United States, with the primary goal of improving economic cooperation. Conversely, the United States paid greater attention to Montenegro during this period due to the Yugoslav constitution of 1974, which granted more power to the republics in creating international policy. The American government aimed to strengthen its influence in Montenegro and opened an Information Centre in the region in 1980. The close cooperation and mutual interests between the two nations resulted in the first official visit of the Montenegrin delegation to the United States in 1980. This paper relies mainly on unpublished sources from the State Archive of Montenegro.
U radu je analizirana ekonomska suradnja Socijalističke Republike Crne Gore i Savezne Republike Njemačke, odnosno njezinih saveznih pokrajina. Savezna Republika Njemačka bila je među najvažnijim ...ekonomskim partnerima Jugoslavije, odnosno jugoslavenskih republika krajem 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Tada je po vrijednosti trgovinske razmjene bila drugi vanjskotrgovinski partner Crne Gore. Cilj Crne Gore bio je povećanjem izvoza smanjiti trgovinski deficit, zatim privući njemačke investitore i proširiti suradnju na druge oblasti. Taj je cilj zahtijevao uspostavu izravnih političkih i ekonomskih odnosa. Sredinom 70-ih jugoslavenske republike uspostavile su neposredne odnose s njemačkim saveznim pokrajinama. Krajem 70-ih i početkom 80-ih uspostavljeni su odnosi Izvršnoga vijeća (vlade) Crne Gore s vladama pokrajina Hamburg, Baden-Württemberg i Bremen.
This work analyses the economic cooperation between the Socialist Republic of Montenegro and the Federal Republic of Germany, that is to say its federal states. The Federal Republic of Germany was among the most significant economic partners of Yugoslavia, i.e. the Yugoslav Republics in the late 1970s. With regard to the value of trade, it was the second most important foreign trade partner of Montenegro at the time. Montenegro’s objective was to reduce the trade deficit through an increase in exports, to attract German investors and extend the cooperation to other regions. This objective required the establishment of direct political and economic relations. In the mid-70s the Yugoslav republics established direct relations with the German Federal Republics. Relations between the Executive Council (Government) of Montenegro and the governments of the states of Hamburg, Baden-Württemberg and Bremen were established in the late 70s and the early 80s.
The inheritance of Balša III has been the subject of intense interest by Serbian and Montenegrin historians. Since the latter half of the 19th century, most of the relevant sources from Zeta, Serbia ...and Venice on Balša III have been published. These sources do not mention that the ruler of Zeta, Balša III, left Zeta in direct inheritance to anyone, not even to his uncle, the despot Stefan Lazarević. However, there is nothing in these sources indicating that Balša did not leave Zeta to the despot. The sources are silent on that matter. Nonetheless, almost all Serbian and Montenegrin historians unambiguously concluded that Balša III named Stefan as his successor and in this manner left the state of Zeta to the despot. This view is unanimous in modern Serbian and Montenegrin historiography. The top expert on this subject and on the medieval state of Zeta in general, historian Ivan Božić also initially asserted quite explicitly that in his last will and testament Balša III had left Zeta to the despot Stefan as an inheritance. However, in one of his later works, Božić stepped back from this claim and instead underscored a dilemma. He wrote that it is not known whether Balša left the state of Zeta to the despot or he had simply entrusted him to end the war against the Venetians in Zeta. In this manner, Božić pointed out that it is necessary to reconsider the prevailing view that Balša III named the despot as his successor. But this had no significant influence on historiography because even afterward Serbian and Montenegrin historians continued to affirm the primary thesis. A historiographic stereotype was thus created. Additionally, certain Serbian historians have tendentiously added a national dimension to this thesis. They claimed that the motive underlying Balša’s alleged atonement and the despot’s assumption of rule over Zeta was to unite the Serbian lands from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which has no confirmation in the sources. The sources from Zeta and Serbia say nothing about Balša’s inheritance. Furthermore, sources from the Republic of Venice do not indicate that Balša III had directly named the despot as his successor. On the other hand, based on the relations established between the despot and the Venetians in Zeta in the period 1421-1426, it can be presumed that the despot acted as Balša’s self-proclaimed successor in Zeta. This was possible due to the fact that he was Balša’s uncle, Balša asked for his help and he died in Stefan’s court. It is undeniable that the Venetians took into account his pretensions to Balša’s estates and also acknowledged his right to the Skadar commission and the rights of Balša’s daughters. The despot claimed that Balša’s possessions belonged to him and that the Venetians were primarily protecting the estates and interests they had acquired in Zeta during the reign of the Balšići. The despot backed his pretentions with considerable military force, which the Venetians feared. After the war and a series of peace negotiations, the despot and the Venetians reached an agreement whereby they divided Zeta on the basis of the status from the final years of Balša’s reign. The despot therefore mainly acquired Balša’s territory, taking over that part of Zeta that had been ruled by Balša III. However, most importantly for this topic is that the sources do not allow us to explicitly assert that Balša III. named Stefan as his successor, although the opposite – that Balša III. did not name the despot as his successor – cannot be stated, either. This fall into the realm of unfounded assertions. The sources are silent on the events that occurred just before Balša’s death and do not allow us to make clear conclusion on Balša’s designated successor.
The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other ...religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI.The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church’s ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called ‘ecumenical’. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.
As early as 1922, the political and propaganda purposes of the Montenegrin film were visible when the first Montenegrin film was produced under the title “Resurrection is impossible without death.” ...After the Second World War, the socialist government had noted that the film was a powerful tool in the political and ideological propaganda and that it was important for the development of culture. Therefore, in the period of socialist government, Montenegrin film experienced a strong rise. The company for production and distribution of films was formed. Then in 1945, the government had influenced the entire film industry by promoting the values of socialist ideology, politics of the Communist Party and the League of Communists of Montenegro. That was especially visible in the following films: “The Wailing Mountain”, “Marriage”, “Peaks of Zelengora” and especially “13th July”, which was the most expensive film in the history of the Montenegrin film. All films, regardless of whether they were explicitly seen as the more valuable by the socialist system, had to pass censorship and had to comply with the policy objectives of the ruling party and the socialist system. That concerned the film censorship. Film companies formed censorship authorities which controlled local production and import of foreign films. Between 1973 and 1989, the Reviewing Commission for film was giving consents or imposing a ban on the display of domestic and foreign films, simply on the basis of political preferences.
The paper presents the development of cultural and scientific institutions in Montenegro during the socialist period 1945-1990. At the end of World War II, Montenegro had only two state institutions ...dealing with culture and science. Thanks to the impressive development at the end of the socialist period in Montenegro, there were over 220 cultural institutions, 14 permanent cultural events, several scientific institutions and Montenegrin Academy of Sciences and Arts. The University "Veljko Vlahović" was formed, which, in 1990, had 11 faculties, over 500 university teachers and associates and about 8,000 students. In Montenegro, at the end of the socialist period, there were several hundred cultural and scientific workers. Therefore, it can be said that Montenegro experienced a renaissance in culture and science during the socialist period.
In the focus of this paper is the development of informatics and computer
science from the time of putting the first electronic computer to work in Montenegro
in 1970, up to the very end of communist ...rule. In this period Montenegrin authorities
aspired to increase the number of computers, build the computer network
and develop computer literacy, particularly among pupils and students. Educational
institutions attempted, in agreement with government and industry representatives,
to establish computer cabinets in schools and universities. Special commission
was formed, that dealt with the implementation of the elaborate “Computers in
the education of the SR Montenegro“. In high schools and universities were formed
departments and sections for training professional staff in these areas and seminars
were organised for teachers’ training in informatics and computer science. The paper
points to the introduction of computers in the economy organisations, development
of the Computer Centar at the University, and the opening of the first labor organisation
for the installation of the computer equipment in Montenegro.
U radu su prikazani administrativna podjela Crne Gore nakon Drugog svjetskog rata i organizacija lokalne samouprave u administrativno-teritorijalnim jedinicama. Rad obuhvata period od oslobođenja ...1945. godine do usvajanja Ustava Socijalističke Republike Crne Gore 1963. godine. Na početku ovog perioda glavna administrativno-teritorijalna jednica je bio srez, a u kasnijoj fazi se pokazalo da srez nije bio odgovarajući i ustanovljen je opštinski sistem. Glavni organi lokalne samouprave su bili narodni odbori, a potom su to bile opštinske skupštine. U prvom dijelu ovog perioda manje administrativne jedinice su bili mjesni narodni odbori, a u kasnijoj fazi formirane su mjesne zajednice.
This article analyzes religious, political and national aspects of beatification and canonization Leopold Bogdan Mandić (1866-1942). Mandić is the only Catholic saint who was born in Montenegro. For ...blessed was declared in 1976, a saint in 1983. In the history of the Catholic Church, he was among the fastest beatified and canonized saints. The reasons for this were numerous. The Vatican is in this way wanted to implement its policy toward the communist regime in Yugoslavia. The Catholic Church in Croatia is keen to use these events to promote Croatian nationalism in Montenegro, especially in the Bay of Kotor, where Mandić was born. The Catholic Church in Montenegro is in this way wanted to preserve and strengthen the Catholic faith in Montenegro where Orthodoxy was dominant. The article was created solely on the basis of archival sources from the fund of the Republican Commission for Religious Affairs of Montenegro.
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