We suggest the “sensitizing concept of mediatization” as an analytical tool to analyze public communication of social movements in times of social, economic and political crisis, and we apply the ...tool to explore the case of the Slovenian uprisings of 2012–13. First, theoretically, we couple Tilly’s understanding of social movements’ practices with Hjarvard’s distinction between “direct” and “indirect” forms of mediatization. Second, in the empirical part, we categorize and classify movement organizations, activist initiatives and political groups into two distinct groups and observe how they respond to the media logic of newsworthiness and the political logic of office-seeking during the contentious actions of mass mobilization. We observe asymmetrical responses to processes of mediatization, which vary according to organizational structure, practices and movements’ vision of social transformation. The article shows how different protest groups respond to the three media logic techniques: a) personalization of political actors, b) decontextualization and simplification of transformative potential that are inherent to protest cycles, and how the two mobilized groups interact with the journalistic focus on c) spectacle and images of violence. We argue that the more the specific movement/group expresses criticism over the interplay of the media and the political logic, marked by the three discursive modes mentioned, the less it adopts the dominant media logic and the more it seeks for alternative and innovative media action.
The author argues that in relation to the mass protests or uprisings in Slovenia in 2012 and 2013 one cannot speak of a unified and homogenous civil society or a social movement. The qualitative ...methodology of in-depth interviews and focus groups used in his research process enables him to observe the largest conflicts, antagonisms and the diversity of relations existing between them. The article thus identifies and classifies the various groups actively participating in the uprisings,while also defining the differences among those groups. Protest fractions, initiatives and movements are classified in three different classes: two groups are conceptualised via Clauss Offe’s theory on New Social Movements while the third group is classified by relying on the theory of antisystemic movements elaborated by the authors of world-system theory.
Članek preučuje pojavnost in reprodukcijo populizma v medijskem poročanju in interpretaciji migracij v obdobju sprememb migracijske in begunske zakonodaje v Sloveniji (2015–2019). Avtorica in avtor ...se v analizi osredinjata na prisotnost treh osrednjih populističnih antagonizmov, ki okvirjajo migracijsko tematiko: osrediščenost na ljudstvo, protielitizem in drugost. Zaradi specifičnega načina diseminacije populističnih antagonizmov v medijih medijski populizem obravnavata na dveh ravneh: populizem s strani medijev označuje novinarje kot generatorje populizma oziroma kot akterje, ki aktivno poustvarjajo populistično komuniciranje, medtem ko populizem skozi medije zaznamuje prisotnost populističnih antagonizmov, ki jih izrekajo zunanji glasovi (npr. politiki), na katere se novinarji opirajo. Ugotovitve ilustrira komparativna študija populističnega in afektivnega komuniciranja v interpretativnem žanru časopisnega komentarja dveh izbranih dnevnih časopisov, Dela in Slovenskih novic. V tabloidu prevladuje antimigracijski okvir upovedovanja, ki se povezuje z afektom strahu, medtem ko v časopisu Delo tematiko migracij okvirjajo kot kritiko vlade, v afektivni komunikaciji pa prevlada empatija do migrantov. Analiza podobnosti in razlik v distribuciji populističnih antagonizmov kaže na disproporcionalno pojavnost populizma v tabloidu, ki je v veliki meri formuliran predvsem kot grožnja pred (migrantskim) Drugim.
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The goal of the article is to analyse populism as a style of communication. By adopting the visual interaction method in empirical analysis, the authors examine the specificities of the populist ...communication reproduced by journalists and politicians in news interviews on the topic of migration in the television shows Odmevi and 24UR ZVEČER. At the level of populism through the media, the authors argue that the discourse of politicians was primarily focused on generating and reinforcing fear of the Other. The discourse of the interviewees from the political field also underlined the protection of the Slovenian border, while the visual representation of the people as a homogenous national community followed as a visual element alongside graphic presentations in the studios of the analysed shows. Populism by the media as the reproduction of populist rhetoric and an expressive style is to be comprehended by analysing the role of journalists as tribunes of the people working for and on behalf of the people.
The goal of the article is to analyse populism as a style of communication. By adopting the visual interaction method in empirical analysis, the authors examine the specificities of the populist ...communication reproduced by journalists and politicians in news interviews on the topic of migration in the television shows Odmevi and 24UR ZVEČER. At the level of populism through the media, the authors argue that the discourse of politicians was primarily focused on generating and reinforcing fear of the Other. The discourse of the interviewees from the political field also underlined the protection of the Slovenian border, while the visual representation of the people as a homogenous national community followed as a visual element alongside graphic presentations in the studios of the analysed shows. Populism by the media as the reproduction of populist rhetoric and an expressive style is to be comprehended by analysing the role of journalists as tribunes of the people working for and on behalf of the people.
Osrednji cilj članka zajema analizo fenomena populizma, pri čemer se avtorja opirata na definicijo populizma kot stila komuniciranja. Specifike populističnega komuniciranja politikov in novinarjevz ...vizualno interakcijsko analizo preverjata v novičarskih intervjujih o migracijah v informativnih televizijskih oddajah Odmevi in 24UR ZVEČER. Na ravni populizma, ki se reproducira skozi medije, ugotavljata, da je diskurz temeljil predvsem na vzbujanju in krepitvi strahu pred Drugim, na izpostavljanju zaščite slovenskih meja pred nevarnim Drugim in na vizualnih reprezentacijah ljudstva kot homogene nacionalne skupnosti. Omenjeno ponazarjajo tudi grafični prikazi med govori političnih predstavnikov v televizijskih studiih analiziranih oddaj. Na ravni populizma s strani medijev pa je reprodukcijo populistične retorike in ekspresivnosti mogoče razumeti skozi prikaz vloge novinarjev in novinark kot ljudskih tribunov, ki z mehanizmom »premika osnove« delujejo za in v imenu ljudstva.
V članku avtor pokaže, kako v času množičnih protestov oz. vstaj med decembrom 2012 in aprilom 2013 v Sloveniji ne moremo govoriti o enotni ali homogeni civilni družbi niti o poenotenem vstajniškem ...gibanju. Kvalitativna metodologija poglobljenih intervjujev in fokusnih skupin, ki jo je uporabil, ko je analiziral obdobje vstaj, mu omogoča prepoznati konflikte, antagonizme in raznolikost medsebojnih odnosov med skupinami. Članek zato predvsem klasificira vstajniške skupine in definira razlike med njimi. Različne frakcije, iniciative in gibanja so zato razdeljene v tri večje razrede: skupine novih družbenih gibanj prvega in drugega vala, ki jih konceptualizira s pomočjo Offejeve teorije novih družbenih gibanj, ter skupino antisistemskih gibanj, ki jih konceptualizira s pomočjo avtorjev svetovno-sistemske analize
The author tries to articulate a rational demand for the expansion of free time and transformation of wage labor. Firstly, the author demontrates that the internalization of fetishized capitalist ...relations is an integral part of capitalism. He demonstrates that both the capitalist and worker construct the meaning of the world through arbitrary forms of perception, and that in this process the work itself is a vital factor that generates, modifies and reproduces these forms themselves. Bourdieu's concept of habitus and Foucault's investigations about body and norm complement Marx's theorization of abstract labor. This complement is then a focal point of phenomenological critique of the abstract labor practice. In the second part of the article, the author presents a strategic proposal of the French economist Michel Husson, whose arguments defend a specific transgression of capitalism: shorter working week through the socialization of products and services. Husson's strategic proposition is also complemented. The author complements it with the ideas of how class struggle can be expanded beyond the borders of professional solidarity to the terrain of universal suffrage. He rethinks living space in a universal and unconditional manner, which can substantially reduce the subordination to economic necessity. His argument postulates that apartments as well as other housing units must be rethought outside of value form. In the last part of the article, the author tries to crystalize his line of arguments by addressing some of Husson's implicit as well as explicit assumptions. Through critique of capitalism as a systemic totality, the author tries to fully articulate his demand for historical and material conditions of autonomy, which is structured and conditioned by limitations of capitalist system.
