Der Antiklerikalismus verfolgte im 19. Jahrhundert eine grundlegende Neuordnung des Verhältnisses von Staat, Gesellschaft, Kirchen und Religion. Lisa Dittrich erörtert erstmals anhand dreier Länder ...vergleichend die europäischen Dimensionen der Kirchenkritik und ihre nationalen Spielarten in Presse, Publizistik und persönlichen Netzwerken. Sie zeigt, dass die zentrale Forderung der Antiklerikalen nach Säkularisierung nicht in einem einfachen Gegensatz zu Religion und Kirchen aufging, und liefert damit eine neue Lesart der europäischen Kulturkämpfe des 19. Jahrhunderts.
Hermann Suchier, since the year 1876 Professor of Romance Philology at the University of Halle, was one of the most prominent scholars of his generation. Since he preserved all his correspondence, we ...are able to study his various international written relationships with his French colleagues, including Gaston Paris and Paul Meyer. However, a temporary disagreement between Suchier with Paris and Meyer did arise. This conflict was due to Suchier supporting the work of Wendelin Foerster, whose edition of
was severely criticized by Paris and Meyer. Subsequently, Suchier once again changed support back to Paris and Meyer and then was invited to publish in their house journal,
, and additionally to contribute two editions in ancient French to the
which had also be founded by Paris and Meyer. In this way Suchier became one of the most important intermediaries between German and French Philology in the years following the Franco-German war and the outbreak of World War I.
This article discusses the timing and character of women's philanthropy in Carniola, now part of Slovenia, in the period from 1848 to 1914. Based on primary research, it explores the beginnings of ...women's work for the poor; the impact of religion, especially Catholicism, on women's involvement in charity; and finally the rise of women's secular social care. I argue that in Carniola, Catholic women's organizations largely filled the space that opened up for women's philanthropic initiatives. By the late nineteenth century, a re-Catholicization of modern industrial society took place, which particularly focused on women, as seen in the phenomenon of the feminization of the Catholic religion. Catholic women's associations started to proliferate; some of these associations were charity associations that introduced new principles to charity work. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
Trotz ihrer unbestreitbar durchschlagenden Gestaltungskraft ist die moderne Nation am ehesten als kulturelles Gebilde zu fassen, das Ordnungsentwürfe und Sinnzuschreibungen kollektiviert. Denkmäler ...zu errichten ist dabei ein - entscheidendes - Merkmal der nationalen Identifikation. Helke Rausch leistet hierzu einen transnationalen Vergleich und eröffnet Denkmal-Topographien in den Metropolen Paris, Berlin und London. Sie untersucht, wie Denkmäler als ikonographische Mittel genutzt wurden, um die Nation als Einheit zu konstruieren.
How do peasants come to think of themselves as members of a nation? The widely accepted argument is that national sentiment originates among intellectuals or urban middle classes, then trickles down ...to the working class and peasants. Keely Stauter-Halsted argues that such models overlook the independent contribution of peasant societies. She explores the complex case of the Polish peasants of Austrian Galicia, from the 1848 emancipation of the serfs to the eve of the First World War. In the years immediately after emancipation, Polish-speaking peasants were more apt to identify with the Austrian Emperor and the Catholic Church than with their Polish lords or the middle classes of the Galician capital, Cracow. Yet by the end of the century, Polish-speaking peasants would cheer, Long live Poland and celebrate the centennial of the peasant-fueled insurrection in defense of Polish independence. The explanation for this shift, Stauter-Halsted says, is the symbiosis that developed between peasant elites and upper-class reformers. She reconstructs this difficult, halting process, paying particular attention to public life and conflicts within the rural communities themselves. The author's approach is at once comparative and interdisciplinary, drawing from literature on national identity formation in Latin America, China, and Western Europe. The Nation in the Village combines anthropology, sociology, and literary criticism with economic, social, cultural, and political history.
This book examines the role played by statistics and cartography in defining the German national imaginary across the long nineteenth century. It asks how spatially specific knowledge about the ...nation was constructed, showing the contested and difficult nature of objectifying this frustratingly plastic substance. Here ideology and politics were not in and of themselves capable of providing satisfactory answers to questions about the geography and membership of the nation. Rather, technology also played a key role in this process, helping to produce the scientific authority needed to make such images believable. In this sense, the book is about how the abstract idea of the nation was transformed into a something that seemed practically discoverable and politically manageable. At the same time, however, the book also looks at the birth of radical nationalism in central Europe, advancing the novel argument that it was changes to the optics of seeing nationality rather than economic anxieties or ideological shifts that radicalized nationalist practice at the close of the nineteenth century. Numbers and maps enabled activists to “see” nationality in local and spatially specific ways, enabling them to make (and then evaluate) strategic decisions about where to best direct their resources. In essence, they transformed nationality into something that was actionable – a substance whose historical development could be shaped by the actions of ordinary people.
Providing a multitude of new insights into the origins of the ideological conflicts that have marked the 20th century, Wistrich here describes the "Golden Age" of Viennese Jewry that coincided with ...the 1848-1916 reign of the Emperor Franz Joseph. Based on meticulous research, the book analyzes the demographic, socioeconomic, cultural, and political factors that favored both the ascent of Viennese Jewry and the simultaneous increase in antisemitic movements.
Providing a perspective on the relationship between empire and globalisation, this book focuses on the great population movement of British emigrants before 1914 and the economic opportunities that ...developed around them through the co-ethnic networks they created. It highlights the importance of these networks to migration, finance and trade.
Les textes de Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen, Hippolyte Prague, publiés dans l’Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums et dans les Archives Israélites entre 1848 et 1914, témoignent d’un ...incessant souci politique. De l’égalité politique des minorités juives et de leur discrimination à la réflexion sur les relations entre politique et religion, en passant par les nouveaux courants politiques du XIXe siècle, tels le nationalisme, le socialisme ou encore le sionisme, nombreux sont les thèmes liés à la politique qu’ils abordent dans leurs articles. C’est le discours politique tel qu’il se donne à voir dans leurs articles qu’il s’agit d’étudierdans cette thèse. La pensée politique des minorités juives en Allemagne et en France au XIXe siècle a déjà fait l’objet de diverses études. Certaines abordent la thématique dans une perspective nationale, d’autres adoptent, comme nous, une approche comparée, en soulignant essentiellement les différences de points de vue entre les deux collectivités juives. Ces recherches partent du principe que l’Allemagne et la France sont structurées différemment, notamment en ce qui concerne les conceptions de la nation, les rôles joués par la religion et, partant, le mode d’émancipation des juifs, pour en déduire que la réalité des minorités juives et leur façon de penser, de sentir et d’agir l’est aussi. S’il ne s’agit pas de nier une certaine influence du contexte national sur lafaçon dont les journalistes voient le monde, la conviction qui anime le présent travail est que les contextes nationaux apparemment différents ne doivent pas nous empêcher de voir que leurs discours politiques obéissent à une logique commune. La thèse que nous nous proposons de démontrer dans cette étude consiste à dire que les discours politiques des juifs allemands et français, loin de former deux discours disjoints et opposés, se sont mutuellement rencontrés et fertilisés pour former un discours largement transnational. Grâce à leurs revues, il existait en effet de nombreux contacts entre les journalistes qui pourraient expliquer, entre autres, les parallèles et ressemblances dans leur manière d’aborder certaines questions politiques
The articles published by Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen and Hippolyte Prague inthe Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums and the Archives Israélites between 1848 and 1914 show a constant concern for politics. Their writings deal with such topics as equal rights for – and discrimination against – Jews, the relationship between politics and religion, the new political movements of the 19th century like nationalism, socialism or zionism. The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to study the political discourse that manifests itself in the articles these journalists published in these journals. The political thought of Jewish minorities in 19thcentury Germany and France has been at the center of many scholarly works. Some of them adopt a national perspective, others – like the present study – chose a comparative framework approach, focusing essentially on the differences between the two Jewish communities’ points of view. These works are based on the assumption that Germany and France show basic structural differences, particularly with regards to the conception of nation, the role of religion and subsequently the emancipation model adopted for Jews, inferring that the same is true for the Jewish communities, their way of thinking, feeling and acting. While not denying the influence of thenational context on the way the journalists see the world, this dissertation rests on the conviction that it should not prevent us from seeing how their political discourses share a common logic. Its claim is that the political discourses of German and French Jews, far from being disconnected or opposed, did meet and influence one another to form a largely transnational discourse. The mere existence of these journals created contacts between the journalists that could, among other factors, explain the parallels and similarities in their political approaches
