In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the ...economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.
Starting with the analysis of the Soviet inϐluence on Yugoslav cinematography and ϐilm censorship in the period before 1948, the article will examine the change of ideological narrative in Yugoslavia ...after the Resolution of the Informbiro. The main intention of the article is to show the key motives of anti-Soviet propaganda in Yugoslavia on the example of three short ϐilms: Moscow is Speaking (1950), The Great Rally (1951), and The Secret of IB castle (1951).
U radu se na osnovu dostupnih objavljenih i neobjavljenih arhivskih izvora prevashodno sovjetskog i jugoslovenskog porekla, kao i relevantne istoriografske i memoarske literature analizira pitanje ...postojanja sovjetskih namera za vojnu intervenciju u Jugoslaviji u vreme sukoba između nje i zemalja Informbiroa. Predstavljene su ekonomske i demografske okolnosti koje su uticale na kreiranje sovjetskog pristupa razvoju sopstvenih i „satelitskih“ vojnih snaga. Posebno su razmatrane promena geopolitičkog položaja Jugoslavije usled sukoba s ranijim saveznicima i vojnog i političkog približavanja zapadnom svetu, kao i zapadna percepcija jugoslovenske vojne ugroženosti i sposobnosti jugoslovenskih oružanih snaga da se odupru eventualnoj sovjetskoj agresiji.
Radom se nastoji potvrditi hipoteza da je ekonomska blokada Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije od Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika i zemalja narodne demokracije, koja je nastupila ...1948., presudno utjecala na dinamiku i smjer izgradnje i razvoja jugoslavenske teške industrije u prvoj petoljetki. Blokada je bila jedan od glavnih uzroka nemogućnosti realizacije planiranih ciljeva, što je dovelo do promjene prioriteta i redukcije kapitalnih investicija u tešku industriju, revizije planskih zadataka te preusmjeravanja poduzeća prema ubrzanom usvajanju tehnologija izrade novih industrijskih proizvoda. U radu se istražuju promjene u teškoj industriji u odnosu na projekcije iz Zakona o petogodišnjem planu razvitka narodne privrede Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije u godinama 1947. – 1951. te racionalizacije investicija i izmjene proizvodnih programa tvornica uzrokovane blokadom. Detaljno su analizirane promjene u dinamici izgradnje i poslovanju triju državnih poduzeća saveznoga značaja u Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj.
Before adopting the Law on the Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy (1947–1951), the Yugoslav political leadership was somewhat aware of the challenges associated with implementing the Soviet methodology in Yugoslav economic practice. From the beginning of the application of the Law in 1947, these problems became concrete, numerous, and diverse. A hypothetical question is: could the Yugoslav Five-Year Plan have been realised in the initially conceived way and with the foreseen dynamics? The impact of the economic blockade after the Cominform resolution of 1948 on implementing the Yugoslav Five-Year Plan and developing heavy industry are relevant questions from a historiographical perspective. This paper tries to confirm the hypothesis that the economic blockade of Yugoslavia by the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy made it impossible to implement the original ideas regarding the planned industrialisation. The blockade was a catalyst for changes in Yugoslav society, so the economy was decentralised. However, the blockade also had a decisive effect on the shift in priorities, dynamics, and the direction of construction and development of Yugoslav heavy industry. In 1949, the Federal Ministry of Heavy Industry reduced investments at the level of companies that worked in its department. Appointed commissions also conducted thorough audits of capital construction projects. Due to the blockade, the construction of some factory plant and buildings was stopped, delayed, or significantly extended (for example, the company Željezara Sisak). Suspensions and obstructions of the contracted deliveries of technologies, equipment, semi-finished products, and raw materials from the countries of people’s democracy as well as goods that were supposed to have come through reparations from Hungary conditioned the replacement of imports with domestic production. Decisions on import substitution meant a shift in production programmes for some heavy industry companies. In order to achieve the new goals, it was necessary to build facilities and infrastructure that were not planned at the beginning of the implementation of the Five-Year Plan (1947). Some heavy industry companies implemented radical changes in their operations and profiled themselves towards the production of previously exclusively imported equipment (for example, the company Rade Končar) or the provision of services for industry (for example, the company Đuro Đaković).
During the Second World War, the Anti-Fascist Women's Front (AFŽ) was formed in 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac. The outcome of the formation is an attempt at long-term mobilization and organization of ...women within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The women's anti-fascist front was organizationally on the path of anti-fascism and sacrifice in achieving the military, political and other goals of the revolution. At the First Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, which was held in 1945 in Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito stated the tasks of women, which were crucial for the new state. These were the preservation of brotherhood and unity, the continuation of the fight against the enemies of the new state, preparations for the constitution elections, work on rebuilding the country, enlightening women, humanitarian work with soldiers killed in the war, parents of children killed orphaned and raising children in in the spirit of the People's Liberation Struggle. Also, after the Second World War, the International Democratic Federation of Women was established, which was founded on the initiative of women from the Federation of French Women, and which dealt exclusively with women's issues and issues of interest to women. The women of Yugoslavia, who participated in the congresses in Paris and Budapest, also played a significant role in the establishment and operation of the International Democratic Federation of Women. With the outbreak of open conflict between the countries of Informbiro and Yugoslavia in 1948, and the action of Informbiro's propaganda, it also affected the Bureau of the French Women's Union, which prevented women from Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina from attending the 1949 plenary session of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. This attitude led to women's organizations in cities, villages, peasant labor cooperatives, labor collectives and institutions throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina holding meetings, rallies and conferences, where they openly criticized and protested through letters against the decision and the revocation of calls for women's presence. Of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. The women of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina also had their position after the publication of the Informbiro Resolution on the situation in the CPY in 1948, where they rejected the resolution and sent and expressed their commitment to the CPY and Tito. In this regard, the paper, based on first-rate sources and relevant literature, seeks to present the activities of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the years after World War II, both domestically and internationally (preparation of the International Women's Exhibition, signature collection, with the support of the proposal of the Soviet Alliance on Arms Reduction, etc.), as well as the views on the Informbiro Resolution of 1948 and the reactions of women's organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Informbiro's propaganda during 1949, due to the impossibility of women's attendance at the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow.
This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this ...context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro-geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.
The authorities of communist Yugoslavia resolutely refused to recognize Franco’s regime in Spain. Since 1946, they maintained diplomatic relations with the government of the Spanish Republic in exile ...and provided it with regular financial assistance. Furthermore, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (later the League of Communists of Yugoslavia – SKJ) maintained relations with Spanish revolutionary parties and political groups in emigration. The attention paid by the leading Yugoslav communists to those ties had doctrinal reasons, but also sentimental ones, since many of them had participated in the Spanish Civil War. In the period 1945–1948, the Yugoslav communists fostered tight relations with the Communist Party of Spain (PCE). However, after the Cominform Resolution against Yugoslavia in 1948, they were abruptly interrupted. The Yugoslav communists consequently approached other groups of Spanish emigration. In the early fifties, the closest relations were established with former communists grouped in the ephemeral pro-Yugoslav organization Acción socialista, especially with its leaders José del Barrio and Jesús Hernández, whose nearly anti-communist book on the Spanish Civil War was published in Yugoslavia. The Yugoslavs tried to forge close ties with the much more important Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) in 1953 and 1954, but without much success. After the reconciliation of the USSR and Yugoslavia, the relations between SKJ and PCE were gradually restored. The meeting of Santiago Carrillo and Dolores Ibárruri with Josip Broz Tito in 1965 represented a symbolic turning point. In the following decade, the relations between SKJ and the Eurocommunist PCE were as cordial as in their Stalinist past.
The conflict between Yugoslavia and the Informbiro was certainly noticeable in the area of the town of Kraljevo and its immediate surroundings, but not as much as in some other parts of Yugoslavia. ...The Communist party in Žiča District did not have further divisions since the members of the Committee and main party organizations were mostly unique in realizing the line of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. There was a relatively small number of members who were excluded from the Party on charges of supporting the Informbiro Resolution, external policy of the Soviet Union, exalting the personality of Joseph Stalin or criticizing the policy of the Party and state government of Yugoslavia. Named 'Informbiro people' by its ex fellow-fighters, these people were arrested, sentenced to hard labor that lasted for several years, put beyond the pale, disabled in the processes of education or work promotion. The conflict over the Informbiro Resolution also influenced the common citizens, particularly those emotionally related to Russia, namely to the USSR, whose number in Žiča District was certainly not small. The citizens of Kraljevo and the surrounding villages were frightened by the war, subjected to repression by the state security authorities, under constant pressure of taking part in realization of the five-year plan, burdened with various administrative measures during the difficult years of economic blockade, by the lack of basic means for living, crop failures due to catastrophic draughts. However, under such conditions, they achieved great success in the field of industrialization of the town, building traffic infrastructure and making the first steps toward the revival of agriculture through general farmers' cooperative.
U ovom radu razmatraju se događaji oko Informbiroa koji su izravno potaknuli konačnu kanonizaciju socrealizma te bili okidač u pritisku represivnoga partijskog aparata na likovnu umjetnost. Godinu do ...dvije dana nakon Rezolucije Informbiroa iz 1948. godine zamjećujemo dotad neviđene razmjere pritiska na umjetnike koji obuhvaća razne segmente likovnog života i djelovanja. Rad obuhvaća metode ideološkog pritiska koji se provodio uglavnom kroz ideološko-politički sektor Udruženja likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske (ULUH), što će omogućiti uvid u institucionalnu infrastrukturu stvorenu s ciljem poticanja stvaranja umjetničkih djela sukladnih socrealističkoj doktrini.
PDF
