As International Organization commemorates its seventy-fifth anniversary, the Liberal International Order (LIO) that authors in this journal have long analyzed is under challenge, perhaps as never ...before. The articles in this issue explore the nature of these challenges by examining how the Westphalian order and the LIO have co-constituted one another over time; how both political and economic dynamics internal to the LIO threaten its core aspects; and how external threats combine with these internal dynamics to render the LIO more fragile than ever before. This introduction begins by defining and clarifying what is “liberal,” “international,” and “orderly” about the LIO. It then discusses some central challenges to the LIO, illustrated by the contributors to this issue as well as other sources. Finally, we reflect on the analytical lessons we have learned—or should learn—as the study of the LIO, represented by scholarship in International Organization, has sometimes overlooked or marginalized dynamics that now appear central to the functioning, and dysfunction, of the order itself.
International organizations (IOs) have long been a central focus of scholarship in international relations, yet we know remarkably little about their performance. This article offers an explanation ...for differences in the performance of IOs and tests it using the first quantitative data set on the topic. I argue that the primary obstacle to effective institutional performance is not deviant behavior by IO officials—as conventional “rogue-agency” analyses suggest—but the propensity of states to use IOs to promote narrow national interests rather than broader organizational objectives. IOs that enjoy policy autonomy vis-à-vis states will thus exhibit higher levels of performance. However, in the international context policy autonomy cannot be guaranteed by institutional design. Instead, it is a function of (1) the existence of (certain types of) institutionalized alliances between IOs and actors above and below the state; and (2) the technical complexity of IO activities. I provide empirical evidence for the argument by constructing and analyzing a cross-sectional data set on IO performance—based in part on a new wave of official government evaluations of IOs and in part on an original survey of IO staff—and conducting a comparative case study in the realm of global food security.
This volume examines in an innovative and applied perspective the interdependence between the role of international organizations, the existence of global public goods and the need of sustainable ...development. Moreover, it is set within the context of current challenges in today’s world of dramatic transition and clearly responds to the need for filling the existing research gap in this area. It also demonstrates excellent knowledge of primary resources and a very good mastery of the various concepts and policy issues. Moreover, it offers an important added value to the theory, research and recent publications of the concerned broad study field. Contributors are: Aleksandra Borowicz, Leiza Brumat, Diego Caballero Vélez, Giuseppe T. Cirella, Rasa Daugėlienė, Agnieszka Domańska, Małgorzata Dziembała, Lenka Fojtíková, Katja Zajc Kejžar, Agnieszka Kłos, Ewa Kosycarz, Anatoliy Kruglashov, Andrzej Latoszek, Ewa Latoszek, Mirella Mărcuț, Willem Molle, Ewa Osuch-Rak, Marta Pachocka, Nina Ponikvar, Magdalena Proczek, Angela Maria Romito, Piotr Stolarczyk, Aleksandra Szczerba, and Anna Wójtowicz
Many international organizations (IOs) are currently under pressure and the demise of the liberal international order is the talk of town. We theorize that institutional characteristics help to ...explain why some IOs survive external pressures where others fail. We test this argument through a survival analysis of 150 IOs (1815–2014). We find that the only significant variable explaining the death of IOs is the size of the secretariat: IOs with large bureaucracies are good at coping with external pressures. In addition, IOs with diverging preferences among members and those that are less institutionalized are more likely to be replaced with successor organizations. We find that institutional flexibility included in the treaties does not have an effect on survival. This is surprising because the purpose of flexibility clauses is precisely to deal with external shocks. Finally, we also find that systemic and domestic factors do not explain IO failure. In conclusion, we should not write off the liberal international order all too quickly: large IOs with significant bureaucratic resources are here to stay.
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Why do some citizens across the globe prioritize the democracy of international organizations (IOs), while others place more emphasis on their effectiveness? We suggest that this difference in ...attitude may reflect two distinct perspectives on the subjects of IO democracy: (1) a citizen-centered perspective focusing on substantive citizen representation and IO accountability to citizens and (2) a state-centered perspective centering on fair state representation and IO accountability to member states. We examine these two perspectives among citizens worldwide and determine how these perspectives shape preferences for IO democracy and effectiveness. Our empirical analysis uses the latest wave of the World Values Survey, which covers more than 50,000 individuals across 44 countries for the period 2017−2020. We find that citizens’ democratic activism and the perceived democratic deficit in domestic governance, which we believe to be associated with a citizen-centered perspective in international governance, do not lead to the prioritization of IO democracy. Instead, the underrepresentation of their country in major IOs and confidence in the national government have a significant and positive association with the prioritization of IO democracy. These results suggest that the prioritization of IO democracy expressed by the public primarily reflects a state-centered perspective of international governance rather than a citizen-centered one.
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Scholars and policy makers debate whether elites and citizens hold different views of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Until now, sparse data has limited our ability to establish ...such gaps and to formulate theories for explaining them. This article offers the first systematic comparative analysis of elite and citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of IOs. It examines legitimacy beliefs toward six key IOs, drawing on uniquely coordinated survey evidence from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the United States. We find a notable elite–citizen gap for all six IOs, four of the five countries, and all of six different elite types. Developing an individual-level approach to legitimacy beliefs, we argue that this gap is driven by systematic differences between elites and citizens in characteristics that matter for attitudes toward IOs. Our findings suggest that deep-seated differences between elites and general publics may present major challenges for democratic and effective international cooperation.
In modern conditions, the economy of the regions of the Russian Federation is in conditions of high uncertainty associated with an unstable political situation. Not having had time to completely ...eliminate the consequences of the pandemic caused by the spread of coronavirus infection, the regions of Russia are forced to face new circumstances. Respectively, it requires an analysis of the current situation, determination of possible directions of development. At the moment, the conjuncture of regional markets is undergoing significant changes, new political alliances are being formed, and cargo flows are rotating. The article considers the processes of integration and globalization affecting the world economy and the transport industry. The state of the transport infrastructure of the Russian Federation is analyzed: the problems preventing the timely renewal of the transport infrastructure are identified, the assessment of the transport industry of Russia by international organizations is considered, the level of investment activity is studied. The trends of cargo transportation in the Eurasian region have been established. The directions of development of the Eurasian transport corridors are formulated. Thus, it can be concluded that the conducted research is relevant: the Eurasian transport corridors open new opportunities for many regions, producers and investors, as well as for end users of products.
After two years of preparation, Japan initiated the release of Fukushima’s nuclear-contaminated water into the ocean on 24 Aug. 2023, despite widespread opposition and international boycotts. Japan’s ...rationale for this action primarily revolves around cost-effectiveness when compared to alternative solutions. However, this decision has raised significant global concerns regarding its environmental impact and its implications for international interests, given the interconnectedness of the world’s waters. This paper critically examines Japan’s decision through the lens of the Precautionary Principle, considering four key components. The analysis reveals that the discharge of nuclear-contaminated water does not align with this principle. Instead, it is argued that Japan should halt the discharge and pursue cooperation with affected nations and international organizations. Given the irreversibility of this action, the Japanese government must commit to rigorous monitoring and research of marine ecosystems and radioactive contaminants, both before and after the discharge, to ensure the least possible harm to the environment. This approach promotes scientific rigour and aligns with the broader goals of environmental protection, fostering international collaboration for a sustainable future.
International institutions are increasingly being challenged by domestic opposition and nationalist political forces. Yet, levels of politicization differ significantly across countries facing the ...same international authority as well as within countries over time. This raises the question of when and why the mass public poses a challenge to international cooperation. In this article, we develop a theoretical framework for understanding the nature and implications of politicization of international cooperation, outlining three scope conditions: the nature of public contestation, the activities of political entrepreneurs, and the permissiveness of political opportunity structures. By empirically examining these scope conditions, we demonstrate that politicization can have both stabilizing and destabilizing effects on international cooperation. Highlighting the systemic implications of politicization for international cooperation has important implications for international relations scholarship. Although international organizations may face challenges, they also have ways of being remarkably resilient.
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