Stil odevanja Žakline Kenedi jedno je od opštih mesta istorije mode, popularne kulture ali i savremene politike. Sa znatno manje pažnje razmatralo se oblačenje Džona Kenedija. Iako na prvi pogled ne ...toliko interesantan kao „modni ukus“ prve dame, predsednikov način odevanja nije bio ništa manje promišljen. Ako, pak, promene u odevanju označimo kao socijalne promene i pokazatelj svih oblika društvene diferencijacije: bračnog statusa, pola, zanimanja, verske i političke pripadnosti, način na koji su Kenedijevi predstavljeni u javnosti postaje višestruko zanimljiv – od (brižljivo planiranih) fotografija i nastupa do umetnosti i kulture. Imajuć i na umu da su šezdesete godine trenutak kada se aproprijacija popularnog i fikcionalnog vrać a u modernu umetnost, te opšte promene svojstvene novom životnom stilu ali i slojevitu sliku kako američke unutrašnje politike, tako i hladnoratovske mape sveta, pažljivo promišljeni „imidž“ predsedničkog para može se posmatrati kao svojevrsna metafora jedne složene epohe.
Nakon gotovo tri desetljeća upravljanja “odozgo” ili primjene različitih koncepata i strategija Zapada objedinjenih u mantri europerspektive – Zapadni Balkan je ponovno u fokusu međunarodne javnosti ...kao novo geopolitičko žarište. Umjesto ciljane europeizacije, svjedočimo daljnoj balkanizaciji regije koja je posljedica neuspješnog djelovanja
Europske unije, kao i suprotstavljenih interesa saveznika – SAD-a, NATO-a, Velike Britanije, EU-a i Njemačke. Takva konstelacija odnosa omogućila je jačanje utjecaja niza ne-zapadnih aktera – Rusije, Turske, Kine, Irana i Saudijske Arabije, čija prisutnost već niz godina snažno oblikuje sigurnosno ozračje na Zapadnom Balkanu. Sve je očitije da je angloamerički projekt posthladnoratovskog uređenja prostora bivše Jugoslavije značajno istrošen. Naime, obećani prosperitet i stabilnost regije su izostali, a zaostavština primijenjenih zapadnih politika je krajnje siromaštvo, iznimna nezaposlenost i iseljavanje, propast javnih politika i kontinuirano gospodarsko urušavanje, kao i ponovno “aktiviranje” postojećih kriznih žarišta: Bosne i Hercegovine, Kosova i Makedonije.
Petnaest godina nakon Drugoga libanonskog rata – vođenoga 2006. između Države Izraela i Hezbolaha, militantne šijitske organizacije u Libanonu – analitičari su uglavnom jednodušni u ocjeni kako je ...Izrael u najmanju ruku doživio vojni neuspjeh u tome ratu. Premda danas s višegodišnjim odmakom ocjene ishoda rata nisu više toliko kategoričke i apsolutne, neki od čimbenika koji su utjecali na neuspješnost Izraelskih obrambenih snaga (DF) ipak su se pokazali relevantnima, a njihov odjek prepoznatljiv je i u aktualnoj izraelskoj vojnoj misli. Stoga je u ovome radu istraživački interes usmjeren na dosad nedovoljno proučavan aspekt Drugoga libanonskog rata – jezik. Pritom se tematizira terminologija koju su izraelske vojne snage rabile u ratnim operacijama protiv Hezbolaha. Prema izvješću izraelskoga povjerenstva ustrojenoga nakon završetka rata terminologija uvedena u vojne doktrine netom prije sukoba na više se mjesta izrijekom apostrofira kao jedna od determinanti izraelskoga vojnog neuspjeha. Istraživanjem primarnih izvora te sagledavanjem recentnih reevaluacija učinaka i ishoda rata osvjetljuju se razmjeri posljedica paušalnoga pristupa oblikovanju vojnojezične politike. Podrobnije se problematizira znanstvena težina koju terminologija nosi u jeziku svake struke, a posebice u vojno-obrambenim znanostima.
Fifteen years after the Second Lebanon War – fought in July 2006 between the state of Israel and Hezbollah, a militant Shiite organization in Lebanon – analysts are largely unanimous in assessing that Israel, at the very least, experienced military failure in that war. Today, with years gone by, assessments of the outcome of the war are no longer so categorical and absolute. Some of the factors influencing the failure of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have however proved relevant, and their repercussions are recognizable in current Israeli military thought. Therefore, in this paper, the research interest is focused on a thus far insufficiently studied aspect of the Second Lebanon War – the language. More specifically, the terminology used by Israeli military forces in war operations against Hezbollah is discussed. According to a report by an Israeli commission established after the end of the war, the terminology introduced into military doctrines just prior to the conflict is explicitly emphasized in several places as one of the determinants of Israeli military failure. The research of primary sources and the review of recent re-evaluations of the impact and outcomes of the war shed light on the extent of the consequences of the frivolous approach to the formation of military language policy. The research elaborates on the scholarly weight that terminology carries in the language of every profession, and especially in the defense sciences.
Poland is the only country in which popular protest and mass opposition, epitomized by the Solidarity movement, played a significant role in bringing down the communist regime. This book, the first ...comprehensive study of the politics of protest in postcommunist Central Europe, shows that organized protests not only continued under the new regime but also had a powerful impact on Poland's democratic consolidation.
Following the collapse of communism in 1989, the countries of Eastern Europe embarked on the gargantuan project of restructuring their social, political, economic, and cultural institutions. The social cost of these transformations was high, and citizens expressed their discontent in various ways. Protest actions became common events, particularly in Poland. In order to explain why protest in Poland was so intense and so particularized, Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik place the situation within a broad political, economic, and social context and test it against major theories of protest politics. They conclude that in transitional polities where conventional political institutions such as parties or interest groups are underdeveloped, organized collective protest becomes a legitimate and moderately effective strategy for conducting state-society dialogue. The authors offer an original and rich description of protest movements in Poland after the fall of communism as a basis for developing and testing their ideas. They highlight the organized and moderate character of the protests and argue that the protests were not intended to reverse the change of 1989 but to protest specific policies of the government.
This book contributes to the literature on democratic consolidation, on the institutionalization of state-society relationship, and on protest and social movements. It will be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, historians, and policy advisors.
Grzegorz Ekiert is Professor of Government, Harvard University. Jan Kubik is Associate Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University.
Kore Savaşı, Türk dış politikası açısından önemli bir dönüm noktasıdır. Türkiye,
Birleşmiş Milletler üyesi olarak ABD’nin asker yardımı isteğine karşılık vererek bu savaş
içerisinde fiilen yer ...almıştır. Başka nedenlerin yanı sıra bu savaşa desteği sonucunda
Türkiye, NATO üyeliğine kabul edilmiş ve Batılı ülkeler arasındaki yerini pekiştirmiştir.
Önemli sonuçlara yol açan Kore Savaşı, henüz savaş devam ederken Türk sinemasında
da ele alınmıştır. Bu filmler, dönemin dış politikasındaki temel unsurları anlayabilmek
açısından önemli birer kaynaktırlar. Bu çerçevede çalışmanın amacı, dönemin dış politika
anlayışının Kore Savaşı’nı anlatan filmlerde nasıl temsil edildiğidir. Bu amaç kapsamında
Kore’de Türk Süngüsü (1951, Vedat Örfi Bengü), Yurda Dönüş (1952, Nedim Otyam) ve
Şimal Yıldızı (1954, Atıf Yılmaz) filmleri seçilmiş, bu filmler söylemleri açısından belirli
kategoriler altında analiz edilmiştir. Analiz sonrasında, Türk sinemasının Kore Savaşı
konusunda Türk dış politikasının tezlerini yansıttığı ve savunduğu sonucuna varılmıştır.
EAPN Euskadi es una red que aglutina entidades sociales que trabajan con personas en situación de vulnerabilidad para propiciar el debate sociopolítico en torno a la lucha contra la pobreza. Partimos ...de considerar que la opinión de estas personas es clave en la propuesta de políticas sociales y acciones para erradicar la pobreza y la exclusión social. La participación de estas personas es una más de las brechas de desigualdad que existen, junto con el acceso a derechos fundamentales, el conocimiento, el sentimiento de inferioridad y las aptitudes. Pretendemos promover que la opinión de estas personas sea tenida en cuenta a la hora de diseñar políticas sociales en Euskadi, dándoles voz sobre los aspectos relacionados con el sistema de inclusión social que les afectan y les preocupan.
EAPN Euskadi sarea osatzen dute gizarte-kaltebera egoeran dauden biztanleekin lan egiten duten erakunde sozial batzuek, eta xede dute pobreziaren aurkako eztabaida soziopolitikoa sustatzea. Oinarritzat hartzen dugu pobrezia eta gizarte-bazterketa ezabatu ahal izateko politika sozial eta ekimenetan pertsona horien iritzia barneratzea. Izan ere, biztanle horien parte-hartzearen gabezia berdintasun ezaren arrailetako bat baita, oinarrizko eskubide, ezagutza, gutxiagotasunaren sentimendu eta gaitasunen gabeziarekin bat. Gure asmoa da Euskadiko politika sozialak diseinatzerakoan pertsona horien iritzia kontuan hartzea, modu honetan eragin eta kezkatzen dituzten gizarteratzeko sistemaren baitan dauden alderdien inguruan berauen esana entzun ahal izateko.
Why did »equality« become prominent in European societies based on hierarchy during the Enlightenment? What does »equality« imply for societies, politics, or legal systems? The contributors to this ...volume draw on various historical case studies, from visionary practices in revolutionary France and the collection of data on the poor in 19th-century Germany, to claims raised under the minority regime of the League of Nations and the anti-discrimination politics of the UN and India. The dynamics of universalizing equality are contrasted with a concept asserting that equality must be limited to and by order. The contributions thus explore concepts of equality from the perspectives of history and law and show that practices of comparing were essential when it came to imagining others as equal, fighting discrimination, or scandalizing social inequalities.
The first appearance of the daily newspaper Politika in Belgrade, in January 12th, 1904, marked a great step toward independent journalism in the Kingdom of Serbia. During its first two years of ...publishing, Politica delivered judgments and reportages on concerts that have been taking place in Belgrade. Articles have evolved from the announcements of concerts into a detailed accounts of the events enriched with interesting details about performed works and performers. From them it is seen that the musical life in Belgrade was extremely rich, and that various ensembles, orchestras and soloists, both from the country and abroad were performing in numerous cultural institutions.The aim of the paper is twofold. Firstly, to present musical criticism in the first two years of publishing Politika, both chronologically and systematically, in order to provide insight into the mainstream of critical thinking and developing of the musical criticism. Secondly, to provide the better understanding of the cultural, i.e. musical life in the capital of Serbia in the observed period. The main contribution of the research lays in its methodological approach, according to which there is no essential difference between the nature and the methods of musical criticism and musical history, which is seen as diachronic criticism. Furthermore, music history is considered as a totality of musical culture of the time. In this view each data, indirect reference, and literary source can be beneficial and useful for musical history. The implication of the work is the necessity of further research which would contribute to Serbian music historiography and bibliography.
İslam felsefesi alanında siyasete dair kuram üreten ve paradigma ortaya koyan filozofların
başında Fârâbî gelmektedir. O, mantık, ontoloji, epistemoloji ve aksiyoloji gibi teorik alanların
dışında ...siyaset ve devlet yönetimiyle ilgili öne sürdüğü nazariyeler ile geçmişten günümüze
İslam siyaset düşüncesine ve bu düşünce ekseninde gerçekleşen devlet yapılarına
ışık tutmuş, “el-medînetü’l-fâdıla/faziletli şehir” kavramıyla erdemli devleti siyaset felsefesinin
merkezine yerleştirmiştir. Fârâbî, bu hususta her ne kadar Platon’dan esinlenmiş
olsa da kendi özgün görüşlerini bağlı olduğu dinin temel ilke ve kavramlarından yola çıkarak
açıklama cihetine gitmiştir. İbn Rüşd ise, kendisine ait felsefi-düşünsel özgün eserleri
olan bir filozof olmasına rağmen felsefe dünyasında genel olarak Aristoteles şârihi olarak
bilinmiş ve bu yönüyle meşhur olmuştur. Ancak metafizik alanında Aristoteles’in eserlerini
şerh eden bir filozof olarak tanınan İbn Rüşd’ün siyaset felsefesi alanında şerh ettiği
eser ise Platon’a aittir ve onu farklı kılan hususiyetlerden biri de budur. O, Platon’un Devlet
adlı eserini ed-Darûri fi’s-Siyâse adıyla şerh etmek suretiyle metafiziğin dışında siyaset
felsefesiyle de ilgilendiğini ve bu alana uzak kalmadığını ortaya koymuştur. Bu makale,
iki büyük filozofun görüşlerini İslam siyaset felsefesi açısından mukayeseli bir şekilde ele
almaktadır.
Remaking muslim politics Hefner, Robert W
2005., 20090110, 2009, 2004, 2005-01-01, 20050101, Volume:
15
eBook
There is a struggle for the hearts and minds of Muslims unfolding across the Islamic world. The conflict pits Muslims who support pluralism and democracy against others who insist such institutions ...are antithetical to Islam. With some 1.3 billion people worldwide professing Islam, the outcome of this contest is sure to be one of the defining political events of the twenty-first century.
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