This article examines how ASEAN has reacted to the military coup in Myanmar. The February 1, 2021 coup was appalling because Myanmar was progressing toward democracy especially since Suu Kyi’s ...National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in the 2015 general election. This article shows that although ASEAN tries to adopt ‘constructive engagement’ towards Myanmar, its approaches remain ineffective because it basically still maintains the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of its member states. ASEAN must recognize that regional stability depends on respect for democracy, human rights, and rule of law within each member states. This article argues that ASEAN needs to transform its ineffective approaches toward more active response by gradually internalizing the new concept of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) and actively put pressures on the military to restore democracy in the country.
The emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (r2p) doctrine is part of a universal longing to prevent atrocities and to protect those affected by them. While its origins are quite distinct from ...international humanitarian principles, its links with humanitarian issues are clear. In fact, r2p emerged in response to humanitarian tragedies. This article traces the intersection of r2p and protection frameworks for refugees and internally displaced persons (idps), recognizing the important differences between them. r2p focuses on prevention, response and rebuilding - the first two tasks of which are inherently political. Conflicts cannot be prevented or resolved without engaging in political action of one kind or another. Responding to atrocities requires taking sides. Normative frameworks on refugees and idps, on the other hand, are based on the principle that people are to be assisted and protected on the basis of need alone and that humanitarian action is non-political in nature.
Since Indonesia gained independence in 1945, security dynamics have been intricately linked with conflict. The emergence of separatist movements, such as the Free Papua Movement or Free Papua ...Organization (Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM), has significantly disrupted Indonesia’s stability. This study aims to analyze the actions undertaken by OPM in their quest for independence, utilizing the perspective of the Montevideo Convention of 1933. Employing a qualitative descriptive research methodology, this research relies on secondary data from a literature review focused on the Papua region. The study reveals several key findings: The size and stability of a population are critical factors for the existence of a state. West Papua, with a population of 1.15 million, plays a pivotal role. The establishment of well-defined territories is crucial for distinguishing and representing nations. The proposed establishment of the Republic of West Papua has garnered support and recognition from nations like Vanuatu. Moreover, the Republic of West Papua actively engages in international organizations such as UNPO. Establishing and exercising effective government control over a nation’s territory is essential for asserting sovereignty and maintaining independence. This is exemplified by the Papua National Manifesto and the declaration of Papua’s independence in 1961. Building and maintaining relationships with other countries necessitate active participation in the global community. International recognition and support play pivotal roles in achieving long-term political goals. Challenges related to democracy, human rights, and environmental issues pose significant hurdles to Indonesia’s diplomatic relations. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle offers a framework for preventing mass atrocities and holding state actors accountable for crimes against humanity. International cooperation and dialogue are imperative in addressing these complex issues and safeguarding the well-being of affected populations.
This article aims to discuss the Principles of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) that may be applied to the conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and Palestine. This normative legal research using ...a conceptual approach and a case approach indicates that the humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict needs to be the focus of the international community, and the R2P principle may be applied as an alternative solution. Although the R2P principle is not a legal formulation, R2P plays an important role. It is recognized as an emerging norm or an obligation with a legal significance. R2P has been agreed upon and accepted by most countries globally that are members of the United Nations through UN General Assembly Resolutions. R2P assigns responsibility to the international community to help parties protect populations from the crime of genocide. Ultimately, R2P is expected to encourage states to fulfill their legal responsibilities and obligations, help build capacity to protect populations, and provide assistance to states in emergencies.
The international responsibility to protect is the most important and value-added element of the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine. However, the existing accounts of the international ...responsibilities of R2P are often fairly ad hoc and not clearly systematised, largely focusing on particular responsibilities. Consequently, this article provides a typology of the various international responsibilities required by the R2P. In particular, it presents six types of international responsibility to protect: (1) the responsibility to undertake direct action; (2) the responsibility to support direct action; (3) the responsibility to authorise; (4) the responsibility not to act; (5) the responsibility to advance R2P; and (6) the responsibility to reform. In doing so, it will clarify how these responsibilities hang together and highlight underappreciated responsibilities.
This paper offers a delicate understanding of the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle and analyses the status of this significant principle within the international law. The place of the use of ...force is evaluated within R2P doctrine. The R2P norm and the pillars contained therein will be analysed to set out the legal responsibilities it contains towards member states and the international community, assessing the legality of the responsibilities held by states towards its population in addition to responsibilities owed by states to populations in other states and the obligation from the international community to intervene. Identifying the issues surrounding the principle of R2P in international law and the message it delivers with what it involves and what responsibilities it carries. It also illustrates the importance of the evolution of the concept, and the advances evolving around the principle including the use of military force for humanitarian ends.
It is reasonable to assume that people working on issues related to mass atrocity response and prevention are concerned with addressing human suffering and harm. This does not, however, absolve them ...of critical scrutiny. On this matter, Didier Fassin’s (Citation2011, 37) framing of ‘the moral untouchability of humanitarianism’ highlights the difficulty of critiquing ‘morally prized social activities, precisely because those activities involve persons and institutions believed to be above suspicion because they are acting for the good of individuals and groups understood to be vulnerable’. That my article, ‘The Moral Untouchability of the Responsibility to Protect’ (Hobson Citation2022), provoked a response sufficient to merit this forum in some ways demonstrates the point. In that piece, I argued that it is important to directly consider the political and ethical dimensions of attempting to advance and institutionalise the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. Yet on this there is evident discomfort: asserting that states might have mixed motives (Pattison Citation2010, ch 6) is one thing, acknowledging the same logic can apply to academics and activists is apparently another.
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