The Process of Stabilization of the Macedonian Nation in a Complex Geopolitical Situation The article considers two main stages of the development of national identity of the Macedonians which were ...the basis for their own independent state. The first stage, which took place at the turn of the twentieth century, was connected with activities of Macedonian intellectuals and the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. However, in the second stage – which occurred in the second half of the twentieth century (when Macedonia was part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) – the authorities of the Yugoslavian federation paradoxically played an important role as they maintained a sense of national autonomy among the people of Macedonia. Following the Macedonian declaration of independence in November 1991, the mood of instability developed in the state. This mood resulted mainly from the claims of the neighbouring countries and the demands of the Albanian minority. The complex geopolitical situation of independent Macedonia had a stimulating influence on the consolidation of national identity of the Macedonians and contributed to increasing the importance of national factions in the state.
The article outlines the biography of Petar Stambolić, a Communist, revolutionary, and highranking party and state official during Communist Yugoslavia. Stambolić, originally from Brezova near ...Ivanjica, became associated with the advanced student movement in Belgrade while still a student. He joined the banned Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) in 1935 and rose through the hierarchy of the Provincial Committee, emerging as one of the prominent Serbian communists. His political breakthrough occurred after 1948 when he was elected Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Serbia and the Prime Minister of Serbia. In 1957, he transitioned to federal functions, initially serving as the President of the Federal People's Assembly from 1957 to 1963, and later as the President of the Federal Executive Council from 1963 to 1967. The peak of his career came after the fall of Aleksandar Ranković, where Stambolić played an active role in the preparations for Ranković's displacement. Consequently, Stambolić became the de facto most influential party official from Serbia. He retained key roles at the federal level, contributing to the presidencies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and the Socialist Federal Republic (SFR) of Yugoslavia. Stambolić retired in 1984 and lived quietly in Belgrade until his death in 2007.
The main objective of the study is to analyze the relationship between Yugoslavia's diaspora policy and foreign affairs throughout the period of its existence from 1945 to 1991. The analysis is based ...on a comparative view of the evolution of diaspora policy and foreign affairs, in stages determined by key years in which the diaspora policy was redefined. Through a scrutiny of the interaction between institutions in those jurisdictions the expatriates resided, and the highest state authorities the main thesis is put forward. Accordingly, Yugoslavia's foreign affairs and diaspora policies were never integrated, nor systematically synchronised. Foreign affairs were not interested in this kind of collaboration, while they did not see diaspora as an important actor in international relations, particularly when the main focus was put on the Non-Aligned Movement. This led to tensions between the services and institutions dedicated to working with emigrants and the foreign affairs institutions.
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How socialist architects, planners, and contractors worked collectively to urbanize and develop the Global South during the Soviet era
In the course of the Cold War, architects, planners, and ...construction companies from socialist Eastern Europe engaged in a vibrant collaboration with those in West Africa and the Middle East in order to bring modernization to the developing world. Architecture in Global Socialism shows how their collaboration reshaped five cities in the Global South: Accra, Lagos, Baghdad, Abu Dhabi, and Kuwait City.
Łukasz Stanek describes how local authorities and professionals in these cities drew on Soviet prefabrication systems, Hungarian and Polish planning methods, Yugoslav and Bulgarian construction materials, Romanian and East German standard designs, and manual laborers from across Eastern Europe. He explores how the socialist development path was adapted to tropical conditions in Ghana in the 1960s, and how Eastern European architectural traditions were given new life in 1970s Nigeria. He looks at how the differences between socialist foreign trade and the emerging global construction market were exploited in the Middle East in the closing decades of the Cold War. Stanek demonstrates how these and other practices of global cooperation by socialist countries—what he calls socialist worldmaking—left their enduring mark on urban landscapes in the postcolonial world.
Featuring an extensive collection of previously unpublished images, Architecture in Global Socialism draws on original archival research on four continents and a wealth of in-depth interviews. This incisive book presents a new understanding of global urbanization and its architecture through the lens of socialist internationalism, challenging long-held notions about modernization and development in the Global South.
Odnos svjetovnih nacionalnih tiskanih medija prema Katoličkoj Crkvi u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju od 1943. do 1990. godine je različit. Kako je u to vrijeme Hrvatska bila u sastavu komunističke ...Jugoslavije, na čelu s Josipom Brozom Titom koji je u državi uspostavio komunistički režim, medije je kontrolirala vlast. Osim medija Tito je i Crkvu želio staviti pod državnu upravu. Tadašnji zagrebački nadbiskupu Alojzije Stepinac posebno se tome suprotstavljao i gorljivo je branio odvajanje Crkve od njezine matice, Vatikana, po cijenu gubitka vlastite slobode. Stanovito olakšanje i slobodnije djelovanje klerici i vjerski tisak osjetili su 1966. godine, kada je SFR Jugoslavija potpisala sporazum sa Svetom Stolicom. Izborom Franje Kuharića za zagrebačkog nadbiskupa 1970. godine Crkva ponovno odgovara vlastima i medijima na njihove provokacije. Raspadom SFRJ mijenja se i stav nove hrvatske vlasti prema Katoličkoj Crkvi i kleru. Republika Hrvatska, samostalna i slobodna, donosi svoj prvi Ustav, čime radikalno mijenja svoj odnos prema katoličkom tisku i prisutnosti vjerske tematike u medijima.
From 1943 to 1990 the attitude of secular, national and print media towards the Catholic Church in Croatia was diverse. During that period Croatia was a part of communist Yugoslavia, which was led by Josip Broz Tito who had established the communist regime. The media was controlled by the government. Tito wanted the Church to be under the government administration as well, which former archbishop Stepinac did not approve of and was strongly against the separation from Vatican. In 1966 there was a brief relief and possibility for freer action for clergy and religious media after the SFRY and Vatican signed a treaty. After Franjo Kuharić was elected as the new archbishop of Zagreb in 1970, the Church once more started fighting back to the authorities and the media. When SFRY disintegrated, the attitude of the new Croatian government towards Catholic Church and clergy altered. The Republic of Croatia, now free and independent, adopts its first Constitution thus radically changing their relationship towards the Catholic media and overall religious matter in the media.
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The article analyzes the activity of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1984 to 1989, mainly on the basis of unpublished material from the Archives of Yugoslavia. The ...accent is on confrontation of the members of the Presidency with the rising crisis of the political system in Yugoslavia. The reactions of the Presidency to the turning events during the last two years of its mandate are presented in more detail.
After the Cold War, one of the biggest security challenges in Europe was the war in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This article analyses Japanese foreign policy towards ...the Republic of Croatia, considering it the focal point of the Yugoslav crisis from the end of the Cold War in 1989, through the disintegration of the SFRY in 1991, until the establishment of diplomatic relations with Japan in 1993. Although the general opinion was that Japan did not have strong interests in this region, this article shows that Japan used the trilateral US-Europe-Japan framework to approach the Yugoslav crisis. It is argued that Japan acted indirectly through international institutions. Japan acted bilaterally to condition international recognition and sanctions using diplomacy and aid as its tools and multilaterally through the EBRD, G7, G24, UN, and the CSCE/OSCE by providing Japanese nationals as election monitoring staff. Japan's diplomatic efforts and humanitarian and reconstruction aid in the former SFRY were considerable. The larger implications of this article concern Japan-EU relations. By aiding the former SFRY republics to achieve democracy and market economy, Japan facilitated future NATO and EU expansion to protect its economic interests in the region.
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From Kurdistan to Somaliland, Xinjiang to South Yemen, all secessionist movements hope to secure newly independent states of their own. Most will not prevail. The existing scholarly wisdom provides ...one explanation for success, based on authority and control within the nascent states. With the aid of an expansive new dataset and detailed case studies, this book provides an alternative account. It argues that the strongest members of the international community have a decisive influence over whether today's secessionists become countries tomorrow and that, most often, their support is conditioned on parochial political considerations.
The paper presents the results of our research on the social and cultural practices of celebrating children’s birthdays in Belgrade, the capital of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. ...Children’s birthday parties are examined as a social construct with functions which are developed and modified according to their social and cultural significance. The research on this cultural and social phenomenon is based on the analysis and interpretation of the narratives (empirical material) of our interlocutors. The chronological frame extends from 1945 until 1991, i.e. over the period of the socialist social system. Since the majority of our interlocutors spoke about the way birthday parties were celebrated in the 70s and the 80s, i.e. at the time of their childhood, the research is focused on that period of time. In Yugoslav and Serbian socialist society this was a social and cultural practice with multiple functions: it served as a substitute for the religious customs related to childbirth and the baptizing of children; it homogenized the family and kinship structure; it was a channel for exteriorizing parental affection towards the children; side by side with the transformation into the consumerist society it became the instrument for creating and consolidating the complex net of social relationships which informed the broader social environment about the level of financial and social power of the organizers.
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