Unatoč brojnim nedoumicama i kritikama, upotreba i popularnost pojma pravne kulture, od 1969. godine, kad ga je skovao Lawrence Friedman, neprestano rastu. Usprkos poteškoćama konceptualizacije i ...operacionalizacije, pravna kultura učestalo se koristi u teorijskim i empirijskim radovima. Ovaj rad istražuje kako znanstvenici prevladavaju konceptualne probleme, koje su sličnosti i razlike u pristupima pravnoj kulturi te kako one utječu na razumljivost i koherentnost koncepta. Sustavnim pregledom znanstvenih radova koji sadržavaju pojam pravne kulture u naslovu, a koji su objavljeni u dvjema citatnim bibliografskim bazama podataka – Web of Science i Scopus, rad razmatra definicije pravne kulture, teorijska polazišta, metodološke pristupe te specifične teme u području pravne kulture. Analiza je pokazala heterogenost pristupa pravnoj kulturi i neusklađenost u razumijevanju i primjeni koncepta. Pravna kultura povezuje se s različitim temama, no uglavnom kao intervenirajuća varijabla; bez empirijskih istraživanja, autori koriste pravnu kulturu kao hipotetski i samorazumljiv pojam, pretpostavljajući njezin utjecaj na pravo i društvo. Osim toga, analizom su utvrđeni različiti oblici definiranja, kao i različiti metodološki pristupi pravnoj kulturi, među kojima prevladava deskriptivni pristup. Temeljem analize znanstvenih članka o pravnoj kulturi pregled završava prijedlozima za poboljšanje budućih istraživanja i eksplanatorne snage pravne kulture.
Why did »equality« become prominent in European societies based on hierarchy during the Enlightenment? What does »equality« imply for societies, politics, or legal systems? The contributors to this ...volume draw on various historical case studies, from visionary practices in revolutionary France and the collection of data on the poor in 19th-century Germany, to claims raised under the minority regime of the League of Nations and the anti-discrimination politics of the UN and India. The dynamics of universalizing equality are contrasted with a concept asserting that equality must be limited to and by order. The contributions thus explore concepts of equality from the perspectives of history and law and show that practices of comparing were essential when it came to imagining others as equal, fighting discrimination, or scandalizing social inequalities.
Članak se bavi razmatranjem socioloških temelja pravne edukacije i pravne komunikacije kao mehanizama za formiranje komunikacijsko-pravne kulture pojedinaca u modernom socijalnom i kulturnom društvu. ...Predstavljena je analiza formiranja sustava pravne edukacije u raznim etapama razvoja socijalnog i kulturnog društva, počevši od XVIII. stoljeća. Tijekom tog je razdoblja Slavensko- grčko-rimska akademija uvela tečaj pod nazivom «Učenja o pravdi, kako duhovnoj tako i svjetovnoj», čija je provedba obuhvaćala primjenu brojne zapadne pravne literature u praksi, a to je iziskivalo vještinu prevođenja pravnih knjiga na ruski jezik, drugim riječima komunikacijske vještine na polju prava. Osim toga, ukazuje se i na činjenicu da je atmosfera duhovne krize uzrokovane sustavnim transformacijama s kraja XX. stoljeća, što znači reformama, utjecala na razinu modernog obrazovnog sustava. Nudi se opis brojnih tečajeva pravne edukacije, koji dovode do formiranja komunikacijske i pravne kulture pojedinaca. Nadalje, članak navodi praktične preporuke koje pomažu pri formiranju komunikacijske i pravne kulture (pravna promidžba u komunikacijskom procesu; pravna obuka i edukacija pomoću jezika i govora; pravna komunikacijska praksa; komunikacijska i pravna auto-edukacija i re-edukacija korištenjem komunikacijskog dijaloga na polju prava). Nakraju se navode zaključci kako pravna edukacija i pravna komunikacija imaju pozitivan utjecaj na formiranje pojedinaca koji posjeduju komunikacijsku i pravnu kulturu. To predstavlja osnovu izgradnje demokratske pravne države te socijalnog i kulturnog društva.
In Between Facts and Norms, Jurgen Habermas works out the legal and political implications of his Theory of Communicative Action (1981), bringing to fruition the project announced with his ...publication of The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere in 1962. This new work is a major contribution to recent debates on the rule of law and the possibilities of democracy in postindustrial societies, but it is much more. The introduction by William Rehg succinctly captures the special nature of the work, noting that it offers a sweeping, sociologically informed conceptualization of law and basic rights, a normative account of the rule of law and the constitutional state, an attempt to bridge normative and empirical approaches to democracy, and an account of the social context required for democracy. Finally, the work frames and caps these arguments with a bold proposal for a new paradigm of law that goes beyond the dichotomies that have afflicted modern political theory from its inception and that still underlie current controversies between so-called liberals and civic republicans. The book includes a postscript written in 1994, which restates the argument in light of its initial reception, and two appendixes, which cover key developments that preceded the book. Habermas himself was actively involved in the translation, adapting the text as necessary to make it more accessible to English-speaking readers.
The subject of this dissertation is the impact of social conditions on the
creation and implementation of social rights in Serbia, at the turn of the
20th in 21st century. In the last few decades ...laws and public policies in the
field of social rights are in the process of deep changes with far-reaching
social consequences. The aim of this dissertation is to identify the impact
of social factors on the creation and implementation of social rights in the
social context marked by two global processes (globalization and
post-socialist transformation). Social factors (determinants) whose effect we
analyze are the state, the market and values, while elites and middle classes
are the actors whose activities and interests we analyze. Globalization is a
complex social process of increasing interdependences between societies and
states. Globalization has significant social consequences– for example,
increased global economic competition leads to the emergence of some of the
so called new social risks. In addition to profound social change,
globalization brings with it a new ideology, to which we refer as a mixture
of (neo)liberalism and globalism. The new ideology is based on the ideas of
individual responsibility for personal welfare, reduced role of social
solidarity, changing roles of government, individuals and private sector in
social policy and subordination of social process to economic logic. State
capacities and powers of national states are weakened due to globalization,
especially in the world periphery. Many responsibilities are moved to the
supranational (e.g. integration within the EU) and regional and local levels
of government (as part of the process of decentralization). Vacant space that
emerged after the retreat of the state was filled in by international actors.
Among them, in the field of social rights important roles are played by the
World Bank, the UN with its agencies, bilateral donors, international NGOs,
and the European Union. They actively influence the creation of public
policies and laws through technical and financial assistance (in the form of
loans and grants) offered to developing countries, including Serbia. The
social context that frames our analysis is also composed of the postsocialist
transformation. This term denotes the process of structural changes of former
socialist societies: transition from command to market economy and one-party
system to democracy and their reintegration into the world system.
Post-socialist transformation was marked by the decline in GDP, and growing
poverty and inequalities. In many countries, these negative effects were soon
minimized, while in Serbia, after a decade of blocked and then decade of slow
transformation, they are still present. For our discussion the following
consequences are important: widespread poverty (which poses a great social
pressure for public policies and legislative solutions) and collapsing
institutions and changing social values (which have a negative impact on
reestablishing the rule of law and restoring confidence in the laws and their
ability to effectively regulate social processes). In Serbia, as well as in
other former socialist countries, post-socialist transformation is also
marked by the conversion of public resources into private, which helped the
old "socialist" elites transform into the new political and economic elite.
Support for social changes was limited mainly to the middle classes and
slowly spread across society. This set of social and political factors was
the impetus for the development of a series of redistributive policies
(economic, monetary etc.). Within this context and under the influence of
these determinants laws and public policies were formulated. The
transformation of social rights and public policies is in line with global
trends that we analyze: marketization (growing share of private sector in
services in the field of social policy, commercial strategies of the public
sector and outsourcing services to private sector), undermining mechanisms of
social solidarity and shifting responsibility to individuals and their
individual strategies (public services designed to support individual
proactive strategies rather then to reduce the negative effect market
mechanisms) and, finally, the subordination of social sphere of the economy
(e.g. education system is understood primarily as a tools for preparation for
entering the labor market). Here we notice ideological dominance of
neoliberal ideas and residualism in social policy. In Serbia, important role
was played by international actors such as international organizations,
transnational corporations, EU etc. They have contributed to the economic
(e.g. tax) policies and concrete solutions in the field of social rights.
International development partners (international organizations and bilateral
donors) have played a vital role in the creation of laws and public policies
in the field of pension insurance, health and social care, etc. by providing
financial and technical assistance directly or conditioning recipient state
to adopt certain policies. The space for the international influences was
relatively large due to collapsed institutions and a large outflow of skilled
personnel (as a consequence of postsocialist transformation) and reduced role
of the state (which is either a consequence of real political and legal
processes or it is based on influence of neo-liberal ideology and the
assumption that the declining of the power of the state is inevitable and
that political and management processes ought to internationalized). The new
government and elites had to reinforce social support they received through
generous redistributive policies (in economic policy, labor market policies,
monetary policies, etc.). Social rights and social policies have been created
to respond to the interests of the middle class, rather than lower social
classes. This is consistent with trends we have documented: social reforms
require the consent of more influential middle class. Public policies in the
fields of education, health and labor market contain very few mechanisms to
support the most vulnerable residents. Specific institutional environment
influenced certain laws and public policies in the fields of education,
health and social protection. For example, the structure of public
administration and political system does not support multi-sectoral programs.
Or, a network made up of professional experts, ministry officials and
representatives of international organizations influenced the decision-making
process in the case of Law on social protection (they are characterized as
sub-elite because of their influence on the shaping of social institutions
and processes). The implementation of laws is also affected by the variety of
social conditions. Our analysis was conducted on the example of the Law on
Social Protection and points to differences in interpretation of laws that
influence its application in a particular social (that is, local) context.
After the consensus about specific law is reached by the local community or a
network of experts, politicians and officials, the degree of implementation
depends on a number of non-legal factors. Developed municipalities have more
welfare services, which indicate that a process of relativization and
contextualization of social rights is underway. To what extent some social
rights will be realized also depends on the political influence of the group
(so there are more services for the elderly than for Roma) and the degree of
organization of groups (so there are more services for people with
disabilities than for Roma). The implementation of law takes place in a
social environment characterized by regulatory informalism and legal and
moral cynicism. The regulatory informalism refers to a major role of informal
networks, informal channels of communication, negotiation and decision
making, prominent roles of distinguished individuals as opposed to
institutions in decision-making and law enforcement. The legal cynicism
refers to rejection of the validity of legal norms, willingness to justice
violations of laws and lack of expectations that the law will be applied.
These are the characteristics of social and political networks within which
application of law takes place but also a feature of legal culture in Serbia.
In the context of western societies, analysis of the process of application
of laws is based on the assumption that laws are valid, hey ought to be
applied and there is a rule of law (positive myth of the rule of law). In
Serbia, this is not the case and according to many indicators (level of law
enforcement, judicial independence, control of public authorities, etc.)
there are shortcoming in establishing and maintaining the rule of law. All
formal preconditions for the rule of law are in place, but their full
implementation is difficult due to the strong social and political interests.
Similarly to democracy, establishing and maintaining the rule of law requires
a balance of powers and interests that is also framed by a set of meta-legal
ideas (on natural law and human rights). Establishing and maintaining the
rule of law requires specific social preconditions, that is, specific social
interests that will support and maintain the rule of law. Detailed analysis
shows that Serbia does not have it and that in the recent history it has
failed as well in establishing powerful capitalist classes and numerous and
influential middle classes.
Predmet ove doktorske disertacije je uticaj društvenih uslova na stvaranje i
primenu socijalnog prava u Srbiji, na prelasku iz 20. u 21. vek. U nekoliko
poslednjih decenija u oblasti socijalnog prava menjaju se zakoni i javne
politike sa dalekosežnim društvenim posledicama. Cilj ovog rada je da u
društvenom kontekstu oličenom u dva globalna procesa (globalizacija i post-
socijalistička transformacija) identifikuje uticaj društvenih faktora na
stvaranje i primenu socijalnog prava. Društ
Eugen Pusić i sociologija prava Kregar, Josip
Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava,
06/2012, Volume:
12, Issue:
2
Journal Article
Open access
Razmatraju se teorijski prethodnici i izvori sociologije prava u radovima Eugena Pusića. Pusića autor smatra glavnim
teoretičarom pravne teorije i sociologije prava u Hrvatskoj. Smatra da postoji ...izvjesna logika teorijskog razvoja od moderne teorije organizacije prema sociologiji i konačno sociologiji prava. Razvoj od studija javne uprave i organizacije prema studijama društva i teoriji prava desio se i kod drugih. Teorija organizacije, kao manje vrijednosno i ideološki kontaminirana od teorija države, bila je čvrst temelj za analizu fenomena prava. Ističe se utjecaj pravnih teoretičara i praktičara kroz grupu Pravo i društvo, te interferenciju
radova N. Luhmanna s Pusićevim stavovima. Čini se da je prijelomni trenutak bila Pusićeva suradnja s Niklasom Luhmannom nakon 1976. Interes Eugena Pusića za sociologijom prava nije posljedica slučaja, već logični razvoj i sazrijevanje vlastite teorije. On tvrdi da je sociologija prava domena novog shvaćanja prava.
U radu se razmatra koncept prostora i teritorijalnosti u pravu i politici u odnosu na granice koje se smatraju ponajprije oblikom identifikacije i temeljem izgradnje nacije. Dok su u klasičnoj antici ...granice bile strukture u funkciji obrane, u modernom međunarodnom pravu 18. i 19. stoljeća one postaju prostori kojima države razgraničavaju suverenost svoga teritorija. Autor u radu razjašnjava simbolički značaj granica u suvremenoj europskoj povijesti vezano uz stvaranje imperija, nacionalistički diskurs i političke zamisli. U retorici granica često se naglašava teritorijalnu inkluziju i isključenost koje se oslanjaju na pojmove kao što su suverenitet, sigurnost i prirodni životni prostor ("prirodne granice"). Koncept granica također se odnosi na razumijevanje podjele Zemljine površine na područja definirana kao regije. Regije mogu činiti i prelaziti prirodne i političke granice. Iako su tijekom povijesti granice bile mjesta sukoba, one su bile i prostori povezivanje lokalnog i susjednog stanovništva. Borba za kulturnu i političku dominaciju kao i pokušaji integracije i asimilacije stanovništva koje živi uz granice, utjecali su na jezične politike vezane uz jezik uprave i javne sfere. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata percepcija o granicama promijenila se i prevladalo je novo razumijevanje granica koje se temelji na ideji suradnje i priznavanju lokalnih tradicija i manjinskih prava. Načelo uti possidetis iuris primijenjuje se kako bi se spriječilo prekrajanje granica novonastalih država i kako bi se održala teritorijalna stabilnost regija. Međutim, nedavna migracijska kriza i sigurnosni problemi u Europi i Americi ponovno su aktualizirali percepciju državnih granica kao obrambenih struktura. Štoviše, uvođenje novih tehnologija, kao što su ICT i biometrika, mijenja klasične, linearne oblike nadzora teritorijalnih granica u mehanizme daljinskog nadzora i vladanja na daljinu.
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Pravo osobnosti nova je i složena pravna doktrina. Materijalnopravne odredbe prava osobnosti mogu se pronaći u raznim područjima javnog i privatnog prava koje su, na žalost, neusuglašene, i to na ...nacionalnoj i na međunarodnoj razini. Zaštitu prava osobnosti osobito otežava činjenica što još uvijek ne postoje posebne procesnopravne odredbe za njegovu zaštitu, a koje su doista nužne. U radu se osobito naglašava i potreba educiranja sudaca radi ostvarivanja pravilne i zakonite zaštite prava osobnosti.
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