El trabajo aborda la política electoral en las fronteras de las Pampas, en el contexto de organización del Estado argentino, poniendo el foco en un episodio sucedido en el pueblo Veinticinco de Mayo ...(provincia de Buenos Aires): el voto de población indígena y miliciana en las elecciones municipales de 1868 y la petición vecinal para su anulación. A partir del análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de fuentes documentales de diferente origen, formato y tipo, se identifica y reconstruye la organización del proceso electoral, quiénes participaron y de qué modo, sus perfiles sociales y políticos así como los argumentos, recursos jurídicos e intereses que se pusieron en juego. Los principales resultados informan sobre los conflictos generados por el reconocimiento del derecho al voto y el peso que tuvieron en la agencia política variables relativas a la nacionalidad, la residencia y el trabajo.
Locked Out Manza, Jeff; Uggen, Christopher
05/2006
eBook
5.4 million Americans—one in every forty voting age adults—are denied the right to participate in democratic elections because of a past or current felony conviction. In several American states, one ...in four black men cannot vote due to a felony conviction. In a country that prides itself on universal suffrage, how did the United States come to deny a voice to such a large percentage of its citizenry? What are the consequences of large-scale disenfranchisement—both for election outcomes, and for public policy more generally? This book exposes one of the most important, yet little known, threats to the health of American democracy today. It reveals the centrality of racial factors in the origins of these laws, and their impact on politics today. Marshalling the first real empirical evidence on the issue to make a case for reform, this analysis informs all future policy and political debates on the laws governing the political rights of criminals.
The Fourteenth Amendment, ratified on July 9, 1868, identified all legitimate voters as "male." In so doing, it added gender-specific language to the U.S. Constitution for the first time. Suffrage ...Reconstructed is the first book to consider how and why the amendment's authors made this decision. Vividly detailing congressional floor bickering and activist campaigning, Laura E. Free takes readers into the pre- and postwar fights over precisely who should have the right to vote. Free demonstrates that all men, black and white, were the ultimate victors of these fights, as gender became the single most important marker of voting rights during Reconstruction.
Free argues that the Fourteenth Amendment's language was shaped by three key groups: African American activists who used ideas about manhood to claim black men's right to the ballot, postwar congressmen who sought to justify enfranchising southern black men, and women's rights advocates who began to petition Congress for the ballot for the first time as the Amendment was being drafted. To prevent women's inadvertent enfranchisement, and to incorporate formerly disfranchised black men into the voting polity, the Fourteenth Amendment's congressional authors turned to gender to define the new American voter. Faced with this exclusion some woman suffragists, most notably Elizabeth Cady Stanton, turned to rhetorical racism in order to mount a campaign against sex as a determinant of one's capacity to vote. Stanton's actions caused a rift with Frederick Douglass and a schism in the fledgling woman suffrage movement. By integrating gender analysis and political history, Suffrage Reconstructed offers a new interpretation of the Civil War-era remaking of American democracy, placing African American activists and women's rights advocates at the heart of nineteenth-century American conversations about public policy, civil rights, and the franchise.
The Fourteenth Amendment, ratified on July 9, 1868, identified all legitimate voters as "male." In so doing, it added gender-specific language to the U.S. Constitution for the first time.Suffrage Reconstructedis the first book to consider how and why the amendment's authors made this decision. Vividly detailing congressional floor bickering and activist campaigning, Laura E. Free takes readers into the pre- and postwar fights over precisely who should have the right to vote. Free demonstrates that all men, black and white, were the ultimate victors of these fights, as gender became the single most important marker of voting rights during Reconstruction.Free argues that the Fourteenth Amendment's language was shaped by three key groups: African American activists who used ideas about manhood to claim black men's right to the ballot, postwar congressmen who sought to justify enfranchising southern black men, and women's rights advocates who began to petition Congress for the ballot for the first time as the Amendment was being drafted. To prevent women's inadvertent enfranchisement, and to incorporate formerly disfranchised black men into the voting polity, the Fourteenth Amendment's congressional authors turned to gender to define the new American voter. Faced with this exclusion some woman suffragists, most notably Elizabeth Cady Stanton, turned to rhetorical racism in order to mount a campaign against sex as a determinant of one's capacity to vote. Stanton's actions caused a rift with Frederick Douglass and a schism in the fledgling woman suffrage movement. By integrating gender analysis and political history,Suffrage Reconstructedoffers a new interpretation of the Civil War-era remaking of American democracy, placing African American activists and women's rights advocates at the heart of nineteenth-century American conversations about public policy, civil rights, and the franchise.
El problema investigado radica en la variabilidad histórica de la concreción del derecho al voto de los extranjeros en el marco de los procesos electorales a nivel nacional en Argentina entre 1810 y ...1853. Se enfatiza en la paradoja del concepto de xénos como extranjero que, por ser tal, es enemigo, pero con el cual se puede, eventualmente, sellar un pacto de hospitalidad. De esta manera, se verá cómo conforme cambian las representaciones sociales, se expanden o retraen los derechos de participación política de los extranjeros a la par que se desarrollan estrategias de relaciones internacionales. Palabras clave: Extranjeros; sufragio; representación política; subjetividad. The research problem is the historical variability that can be seen in the right to vote that the foreigners have had in electoral processes in Argentina at a national level (1810-1853). We emphasize the paradox in the concept of xénos as a foreigner that is an enemy because of being a non-national, but that, at the same time, deserves hospitality. The social representations and the States strategies in terms of international relations create different possibilities or impossibilities and creates and categorizes subjectivities. Keywords: Vote; foreigners; political representation; subjectivity. O problema investigado reside na variabilidade histórica da realização do direito de voto dos estrangeiros no quadro dos processos eleitorais a nível nacional na Argentina entre 1810 e 1853. Enfatiza o paradoxo do conceito de xénos como estrangeiro, que, como tal, é inimigo, mas com o qual é possível, eventualmente, selar um pacto de hospitalidade. Desse modo, será visto como à medida que as representações sociais mudam, os direitos de participação política dos estrangeiros se expandem ou se retraem à medida que estratégias de relações internacionais são desenvolvidas. Palavras-chave: Estrangeiro; sufrágio; representação política; subjetividade
At the start of the twenty-first century, 1 percent of the U.S. population is behind bars. An additional 3 percent is on parole or probation. In all but two states, incarcerated felons cannot vote, ...and in three states felon disenfranchisement is for life. More than 5 million adult Americans cannot vote because of a felony-class criminal conviction, meaning that more than 2 percent of otherwise eligible voters are stripped of their political rights. Nationally, fully a third of the disenfranchised are African American, effectively disenfranchising 8 percent of all African Americans in the United States. In Alabama, Kentucky, and Florida, one in every five adult African Americans cannot vote. Punishment and Inclusion gives a theoretical and historical account of this pernicious practice of felon disenfranchisement, drawing widely on early modern political philosophy, continental and postcolonial political thought, critical race theory, feminist philosophy, disability theory, critical legal studies, and archival research into state constitutional conventions. It demonstrates that the history of felon disenfranchisement, rooted in postslavery restrictions on suffrage and the contemporaneous emergence of the modern "American" penal system, reveals the deep connections between two political institutions often thought to be separate, showing the work of membership done by the criminal punishment system and the work of punishment done by the electoral franchise. Felon disenfranchisement is a symptom of the tension that persists in democratic politics between membership and punishment. This book shows how this tension is managed via the persistence of white supremacy in contemporary regimes of punishment and governance.
In Citizenship Beyond Nationality, Luicy Pedroza considers immigrants who have settled in democracies and who live indistinguishably from citizens—working, paying taxes, making social contributions, ...and attending schools—yet lack the status, gained either through birthright or naturalization, that would give them full electoral rights. Referring to this population as denizens, Pedroza asks what happens to the idea of democracy when a substantial part of the resident population is unable to vote? Her aim is to understand how societies justify giving or denying electoral rights to denizens.Pedroza undertakes a comparative examination of the processes by which denizen enfranchisement reforms occur in democracies around the world in order to understand why and in what ways they differ. The first part of the book surveys a wide variety of reforms, demonstrating that they occur across polities that have diverse naturalization rules and proportions of denizens. The second part explores denizen enfranchisement reforms as a matter of politics, focusing on the ways in which proposals for reform were introduced, debated, decided, and reintroduced in two important cases: Germany and Portugal. Further comparing Germany and Portugal to long familiar cases, she reveals how denizen enfranchisement processes come to have a limited scope, or to even fail, and yet reignite. In the final part, Pedroza connects her theoretical and empirical arguments to larger debates on citizenship and migration. Citizenship Beyond Nationality argues that the success and type of denizen enfranchisement reforms rely on how the matter is debated by key political actors and demonstrates that, when framed ambitiously and in inclusive terms, these deliberations have the potential to redefine democratic citizenship not only as a status but as a matter of politics and policy.
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