Édito Dubois, Michel; Dubuisson-Quellier, Sophie
Revue française de sociologie,
6/2022, Volume:
62, Issue:
3
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Elle se présente au public, dans la notice du journal Le Monde annonçant sa creation, comme «le moyen d'expression dont avait besoin une equipe de chercheurs que leurs preoccupations communes ne ...détoument pas de poursuivre un effort personnel» (Le Monde, 22 février 1960). Elle n'est plus depuis longtemps le « moyen d'expression » d'un centre ou d'un laboratoire, mais un instrument au service de ceux et celles qui, en France comme å ľétranger, se donnent comme objectif de faire progresser l'état de nos connaissances scientifiques sur le monde social. C'est ainsi que places en face de la situation du second tour, 84 % des électeurs de Tixier-Vignancour alors dirigeant du Rassemblement National exprimerent leur intention de voter pour Mitterrand le 19 decembre. » Celui-ci, pour faire face â une extension continue de sa tâche, s'est renforcé par ľadjonction de nouveaux membres et la nomination de deux rédacteurs en chef.
Mexico's democracy has changed much over the past 20 years. But voters still have to wait up to a week for official results to be announced. Fortunately, statisticians came up with a solution to this ...problem: the conteo rápido. Manuel Mendoza explains what it is and how it works
Mexico's democracy has changed much over the past 20 years. But voters still have to wait up to a week for official results to be announced. Fortunately, statisticians came up with a solution to this problem: the conteo rápido. Manuel Mendoza explains what it is and how it works.
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Resumo: Partindo da Carta aos Senhores Eleitores da Província de Minas Gerais de 1828, de Bernardo Vasconcelos, apresentamos nossa compreensão sobre o pensamento ilustrado no Brasil, da Inconfidência ...Mineira (1789) ao Primeiro Reinado (1822-1840), e suas implicações com a educação. Nessa fonte documental, analisada sob o referencial teórico da história dos conceitos e de seus usos, de Reinhart Koselleck, percebemos as influências do iluminismo europeu no repertório de nossa elite política. Consideramos, parcialmente, que o projeto inconfidente manteve sua continuidade no discurso e nas ações de Vasconcelos demonstrando que a escola pensada no Império também significou uma centralização conservadora.
This paper aims to determine Lithuania’s, Latvia’s, and Estonia’s parties’ positions on the European Union (EU) and to ascertain whether these party positions mirror their voters’ positions on the ...EU. Analysis suggests that parties in this region have rather varied positions on the EU, with the exception of hard-Eurosceptic views, which are absent in Baltic states’ party systems. This paper also indicates that parties in the Baltic states tend to mirror, with some exceptions, their voters positions on the EU. This suggests that there may be additional factors determining parties’ positions regarding the EU in the Baltics.
Objective
We examine the size, characteristics, and attitudes of Unaffiliated party registrants as they compare to registrants from the two major parties.
Methods
We analyze voter registration files, ...voter history files, and public opinion data from North Carolina.
Results
Unaffiliated registrants are not simply shadow partisans but, on average, are distinct from two major parties in terms of demographics, political behavior, and political attitudes.
Conclusion
Voters who eschew party labels are best understood as unmoored voters—often hovering close to their ideological docks but with no institutional constraint to keep them from drifting as the political tides shift.
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The civil rights movement required money. In the early 1960s, after years of grassroots organizing, civil rights activists convinced nonprofit foundations to donate in support of voter education and ...registration efforts. One result was the Voter Education Project (VEP), which, starting in 1962, showed far-reaching results almost immediately and organized the groundwork that eventually led to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In African American communities across the South, the VEP catalyzed existing campaigns; it paid for fuel, booked rallies, bought food for volunteers, and paid people to canvass neighborhoods. Despite this progress, powerful conservatives in Congress weaponized the federal tax code to undercut the important work of the VEP. Though local power had long existed in the hundreds of southern towns and cities that saw organized civil rights action, the VEP was vital to converting that power into political motion. Evan Faulkenbury offers a much-needed explanation of how philanthropic foundations, outside funding, and tax policy shaped the southern black freedom movement.
In the U.S., we have historically looked to our educators to prepare citizens for full participation in our democracy as engaged and informed voters. We examine the student voting movement that has ...taken root in colleges and universities across the country—a movement that offers a promising way forward in forming a new generation of engaged citizens. We detail what we know about how to increase student turnout, suggest ways to strengthen voter mobilization efforts through a broader civic education agenda, chart a path forward for future research, and offer recommendations for college administrators who seek to make voting a lifelong habit for their students. We also look beyond the student voting movement to argue for new forms of pedagogy that foster civic identity so that students think of themselves as voters who always vote, because voting is a necessary way to express themselves as engaged citizens.
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The five percent hurdle for the Bundestag has proven its worth and should be retained . On the one hand, it was able to keep splinter parties out of the Bundestag and, on the other hand, it did not ...block the way for newly founded parties to enter the federal parliament . However, the basic mandate clause and the minority clause undermine the meaning of the five percent hurdle . They are worthy of abolition . Instead, each voter should get a second- ary vote . It would then come into play if the voter voted for a party that failed at the five percent hurdle . Such a reform would retain the benefits of the ratchet clause and eliminate its disadvantages .
An agenda-setter repeatedly proposes a spatial policy to voters until some proposal is accepted. Voters have distinct but correlated preferences and receive private signals about the common state. I ...investigate whether the agenda-setter retains the power to screen voters as players become perfectly patient and private signals become perfectly precise. I show that the extent of this power depends on the relative precision of private signals and the conflict of preferences among voters, confirming the crucial role of committee setting and single-peaked preferences. When the private signals have equal precision, the agenda-setter can achieve the full-information benchmark. When one voter receives an asymptotically more precise signal, the agenda-setter's power to screen depends on preference diversity. These results imply that the lack of commitment to a single proposal can benefit the agenda-setter. Surprisingly, an increase in the voting threshold can allow the agenda-setter to extract more surplus.
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