For Indonesia, relocating the national capital is one option for improving food security. Although, statistically, the ministry of agriculture's flagship program appears to have succeeded in ...increasing exports. Budget policies are actually shrinking in the field, and agricultural land is eroding. In addition, the state continues to import a number of strategic commodities such as rice and soybeans. The challenges of the innovation disruption era must be met with optimism. This paper seeks to understand how Indonesian agricultural politics can adapt to the era of disruptive innovation. The results of the analysis, conducted using a qualitative approach, show that: (a) the country's agricultural politics have so far been unable to produce new players capable of competing with the old players (incumbents), (b) the national agricultural strategy has not been able to present companies and entrepreneurs with disruptive innovation capabilities, (c) agricultural industry policy innovation is still limited, so it cannot promise lower margins and profits. Finally, the relocation of the capital city must be followed by the creation of creative paddy fields and an effective agricultural budget allocation strategy. A favorable ecosystem must be created to encourage the development of new competitive companies and new millennial farmers who are ready to face the Industrial Revolution 4.0. The private sector must also be involved in order to balance the government's and banks' suboptimal roles.
A core claim about agricultural policy making is that it is 'compartmentalized' and 'exceptional'. In this picture, the policy process is insulated from other policy concerns, has a distinctive ...system of actors and institutional structures, and is rooted in extensive governmental intervention in the market and the redistribution of resources from taxpayers to food producers. Recently there have been suggestions that a 'post-exceptional' agricultural politics has emerged, which is more market-driven, has reduced state intervention, and where policies reflect influences relating to non-food issues such as the environment. This contribution discusses the concepts of compartmentalization and exceptionalism and then applies 'indicators of change' to a case study of the 2013 reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). It concludes that the reform provides evidence for 'shallow' post-exceptionalism where a historically persistent agricultural policy subsystem has opened up to new actors, incorporated some programme change but left the ideational framework largely intact.
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BFBNIB, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, SAZU, UL, UM, UPUK
How do you explain centralized farm mobilization in Japan and decentralized farm mobilization in Korea in response to agricultural liberalization pressures? The divergence is puzzling given strong ...similarities in Japan and Korea’s agricultural sectors and institutions. Electoral competition that accentuates the urban–rural divide in society works in favor of centralized farm political mobilization, whereas electoral competition that minimizes the urban–rural divide works in favor of decentralized farm political mobilization. The logic is that when electoral competition cuts across the urban–rural cleavage, farmers face greater challenges in mobilizing under a centralized farm group for electoral purposes. Simply put, farmers are unable to act as a unified voting bloc. Relatedly, political parties also face less electoral incentives to specifically target farmers as a unified voting bloc.
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EMUNI, FIS, FZAB, GEOZS, GIS, IJS, IMTLJ, KILJ, KISLJ, MFDPS, NLZOH, NUK, ODKLJ, OILJ, PNG, SAZU, SBCE, SBJE, SBMB, SBNM, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK, VKSCE, ZAGLJ
This paper analyzes the policy process toward farmland consolidation and deregulation in Japan. The current Abe administration has introduced so-called Farmland Banks to facilitate land transfers to ...expanding farms, including general corporations, which have long been banned from farmland access in Japan. The paper argues that farmland deregulation puts the 'incumbent' local stakeholders of farmland governance, such as local agricultural cooperatives, local administrations, and not least farmers themselves, at risk of losing access to state support and influence. At the same time, the responsibilities for coordinating farmland consolidation have been placed onto the same local stakeholders. The state of local farmland governance has long been critical to impeding coordinated consolidation, whereas deregulation facilitates 'predatory' corporate farmland use. In contrast, evidence from Hikawa Town in Shimane Prefecture shows how exceptionally strong local control over farmland enables consolidation-albeit in the 'defensive' interests of the local incumbents.
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BFBNIB, NUK, PILJ, SAZU, UL, UM, UPUK
The Government-General of Colonial Korea (GGCK) conducted an extensive investigation into tenant practices in colonial Korea in order to deal with the colony's social problems, especially the ...expansion and radicalization of tenancy disputes during the 1920s. The results of this investigation were compiled in The Tenant Practices of Korea (Chōsen no kosaku kankō 朝鮮の小作慣行; 1932). This report enumerated the complex landlord-tenant relationship into simplified statistical data, and social conflicts were moved from the field of disputes to policy discussions based on tenancy statistics and implementation of legislative measures. Based on this statistical survey, the Joseon Farmland Ordinance (Chōsen nōchirei 朝鮮農地令) was enacted in 1934, which fundamentally altered practices surrounding tenancy disputes. Specifically, the survey provided social median data and indicators for tenancy periods, rents, and rent reduction rates for a lean year, which became the new political apparatus for the settling of tenancy disputes. At the same time, by enumerating colonial society, the colonial state earned the opportunity to actively intervene in social conflicts. The GGCK began to present itself as the mediator or regulator of social conflicts, setting apart from the old image of target of antagonism. This is a historical case that illustrates the power effects of systematized knowledge (/statistics) on the agricultural politics of colonial society.
Nowadays, natural sweeteners are preferred instead of artificial sweeteners that have harmful effects on our health. In addition to artificial sweeteners such as saccharin, aspartame and fructose, ...besides, it is widespread in many countries of the world because it does not contain calories and has various positive effects on health. Their use in the food sector, health sector and other sub-sectors is increasing, and their economic size is increasing especially in the food and sweetener sectors. Turkey, which is a controversial agenda sugar sector discussions and Starch Based Sugars(SBS)'s sugar production issues are taken into consideration, reduction of dependence on foreign sugar policy and the new agricultural policies aimed at achieving food security is emerging needs. In this context, it was thought that this research, in which the functional properties of Stevia, usage areas, health effects, substitutability of sweeteners containing starch based sugar and new approaches to form a new, integrated sugar policy, will shed light on the researches to be conducted in our country in the near future.
Este artigo discute as propostas de valorização do açúcar formuladas durante a Primeira República, através da promoção da política da concessão de prêmios ou dos convênios açucareiros. Nesse sentido, ...o artigo examina os resultados das medidas que visavam o aumento dos preços no mercado interno brasileiro, acompanhando a natureza da composição das propostas feitas tanto por produtores, como estadistas e técnicos nas duas áreas de produção do país. Para isso, se analisam os anais do I Congresso Nacional da Agricultura e das conferências açúcareiras de 1902, 1905 e 1911, alguns periódicos técnicos, como a revista da Sociedade Nacional da Agricultura, A Lavoura, e o Boletim do Ministério da Agricultura, Indústria e Comércio e alguns trabalhos estrangeiros que versavam sobre as políticas de valorização na Europa.
As a symbol of regulations as “solid as bedrock,” Japanese agriculture is a key target for structural reform under the Abe administration's “Abenomics” growth strategy. Its reform proposals have ...encompassed long‐standing rice production regulations, agricultural organizations, including the agricultural cooperatives (JA), and the controlled system of milk distribution. The government also seeks to promote agricultural exports and farmers’ participation in processing and distributing agricultural products. Led by the Prime Minister's Office, and taking advantage of changes in the political environment of agriculture that have weakened the political power of farmers and JA, the government has launched a reform offensive with variable impact: progress has been made in some areas (e.g. JA reform) but little change in others (such as rice production adjustment). The most significant challenge lies ahead in reforming the farmland system, which is yet to be tackled.
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FZAB, GIS, IJS, KILJ, NLZOH, NUK, OILJ, SBCE, SBMB, UL, UM, UPUK
Våren 2012 behandlet Stortinget Stoltenberg II-regjeringens landbruksmelding, og flertallet vedtok å videreføre en politikk der statlige tiltak er avgjørende for utviklingen i næringen. Vedtaket ble ...fattet i en periode hvor jordbruket utfordres av WTO- og EØS-avtalene, og det er et tiltagende fokus på forbrukerinteresser fremfor produsentinteresser i den politiske debatten. Med utgangspunkt i tre teoretiske perspektiver diskuterer artikkelen hva som er det politiske grunnlaget for denne «konserverende» politikken: Et nyinstitusjonelt perspektiv som vektlegger at institusjoner er vanskelig å endre når det er knyttet sterke verdier og interesser til dem; et konfliktlinjeperspektiv som vektlegger at partier som har sakseierskap til et politikkområde kan få avgjørende innflytelse på politikken, hvis de er attraktive partnere i ulike regjeringsalternativer, og et internasjonaliseringsperspektiv som vektlegger at interesser som opplever at de er truet av handelsliberalisering, har sterkere politisk gjennomslag enn de som tjener på den. Konklusjonen er at den store stabiliteten i politikken kan tilskrives jordbruksforhandlingssystemet som fungerer som en robust og fleksibel institusjon, som utformer nye virkemidler for landbrukspolitikken. Senterpartiet, og dels KrFs deltakelse i regjeringskoalisjoner, har også betydning for den sterke politiske prioriteringen av næringen. Samtidig er det støtte i Arbeiderpartiet og Høyre for bondeorganisasjonenes krav om at Norge skal kunne føre en nasjonal landbrukspolitikk innenfor rammene av internasjonal handelspolitikk. Nøkkelord: Landbrukspolitikk, WTO, EØS, politiske konfliktlinjer, institusjonell teori
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