U radu se analiziraju četiri slučaja diplomacije prinude od kojih svaka predstavlja jedan aspekt suvremenih sigurnosnih ugroza: teritorijalna agresija motivirana nacionalističkim i etničkim ...aspiracijama (Bosna), agresija protiv vlastitog stanovništva zbog želje za samoodređenjem (Kosovo), terorizam (Afganistan) i oružje za masovno uništavanje (Irak). Cilj je provedene analize identificirati čimbenike koji su utjecali na ishod (uspjeh/neuspjeh) provedene strategije. Kao kriterij vrednovanja ishoda koristi se Jentlensonov cost/benefit model koji se temelji na zadovoljenju kriterija proporcionalnosti, recipročnosti i vjerodostojnosti. Uspjeh diplomacije prinude u Bosni imao je značajan utjecaj na odabir strategije za Kosovo, koji se smatra graničnim uspjehom s obzirom na dugotrajnost zračne kampanje. Diplomacija prinude u slučaju Afganistana i Iraka nije polučila željene rezultate te su ciljevi ostvareni primjenom sveobuhvatne vojne sile. Uzevši u obzir rezultate analize koji upućuju na zaključak da je diplomacija prinude, unatoč konceptualnoj jednostavnosti, kompleksna strategija čiji je ishod uvelike određen nizom kontekstualnih varijabli uz prilično ambivalentan karakter, svrha je ovoga rada spoznaja korisnosti i perspektive primjenjivosti Jentlensonova modela u objašnjenju uspjeha, odnosno neuspjeha strategije prinude.
Ovaj rad napisan je uglavnom na temelju pisama i uputstava dubrovačke vlade poklisarima harača u Istanbulu. Korištena su i pisma poklisara vladi u Dubrovniku, kojih je, nažalost, malo sačuvano. Samo ...se nekoliko osmanskih spisa dotiče ove teme, ali su se podaci u njima pokazali dragocjenima. Opisana je poslovna suradnja Dubrovčana i sultanije Mihrimah, slavne kćeri sultana Sulejmana Veličanstvenog i odnos dubrovačkih diplomata prema drugim sultanijama i sultanijama majkama.
The paper analyzes the interdependence of public diplomacy and public relations as increasingly present and increasingly important disciplines in international activities of countries. It ...investigates their theoretical foundations and practice, with particular emphasis on common points and overlap. In point of fact, although there has been an awareness of the connection between these two disciplines since the 1960s when public diplomacy emerged as a term and a separate diplomatic and communication discipline, since 2001, theorists and practitioners have increasingly written about the interdependence and convergence of public diplomacy and public relations. In its beginnings, public diplomacy was more associated with propaganda or reduced to cultural diplomacy programs, while public relations was perceived through the model of one-way public information. In modern times, public relations is increasingly perceived through the two-way communication symmetrical model, the purpose of which is to achieve understanding and build relationships with key publics. Public diplomacy is usually viewed through three areas of activities: information management, long-term strategic communication campaigns, and relationship management. Therefore, the author considers public diplomacy without public relations, i.e., its consideration outside theory and practice of public relations inconceivable. Only through synergy, joint activities and the use of similar strategies and tactics can public diplomacy and public relations achieve full effectiveness in international communication and activities of the state towards the target audiences and influence their knowledge, opinion and behavior.
Diplomacy represents an activity which is connected to the foreign politics and international relations. It is a means for achieving foreign political goals. The Christian churches represent ...communities whose purpose is to worship God and proclaim the Gospel to the world around them. What is the interrelation between diplomacy and the Church? What is the destiny of the Christianity in Europe which is rapidly becoming secularized? What is the role of diplomacy in that process? Should the contemporary Christian churches make compromises, as it is one of the functions of diplomacy, and to what extent?
Full text
Available for:
IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UL, UM, UPUK
Inicijativa triju mora kao neformalna politička platforma 12 novijih punopravnih država članica Europske unije, a čiji je glavni cilj realizacija konkretnih projekata u područjima infrastrukture, ...energetike i digitalizacije, od svog samog nastanka otvorila je brojna ekonomska, politička i geopolitička pitanja. Osim njih, ova inicijativa predstavlja i prvi pravi međunarodni multilateralni iskorak hrvatske gospodarske diplomacije, čime smo ušli u svojevrsni još neistraženi model djelovanja. Hoće li ona pretvoriti RH u prepoznatljiv subjekt europske gospodarske diplomacije koji stvara nove spone među europskim narodima ili će produbiti već postojeće podjele unutar Europe, glavni je predmet interesa ovoga rada. Autor preispituje stav o tome može li RH kroz Inicijativu triju mora realizirati neke, ili čak sve, projekte iz kataloga projekata koji se odnose na nju. Dodatno, autor provjerava može li ova inicijativa biti izvor za prepoznavanje postojećeg i/ili stvaranje novog hrvatskog (geo)političkog identiteta. Uz to, u ovom radu postavlja se teza kako je hrvatsko sudjelovanje u ovoj Inicijativi objašnjivo i nekim odabirima koje je Hrvatska činila tijekom svoje daljnje i bliže prošlosti.
Posebnost hrvatskog iskustva kohabitacije pokazuje da se sukob visokog intenziteta između predsjednika Vlade i predsjednika Republike ne vodi isključivo na političkom području, već se žele izmijeniti ...i ustavne ovlasti sudionika, ustavna “pravila ratovanja”. Trajnost Ustava i ustavne diobe ovlasti između predsjednika Republike i predsjednika Vlade i Hrvatskog sabora dobivaju manju težinu i zaštitu. Odbačen je siguran putokaz za očuvanje hrvatskog ustavnog sustava, uputa iz razdoblja prve francuske kohabitacije u Petoj Republici (1986. – 1988.): Povratak na Ustav, samo Ustav i ništa osim Ustava. Ustavni sustav je zakočen.
Autor iznosi ključne postupke diplomacije Nezavisne Države Hrvatske: od ustrojstva ministarstva vanjskih poslova u travnju 1941. do zadnjih pokušaja spašavanja NDH u svibnju 1945. U članku su ...prezentirani svi relevantni događaji za diplomaciju NDH s naglaskom na najvažnije aktere u
pojedinim diplomatskim akcijama. Navedeni su svi ministri vanjskih poslova koji su bili na čelu ministarstva, njihove diplomatske aktivnosti te razlozi njihove smjene ili ostavke. Članak također daje uvid u krajnju zavisnost ustaškog režima prema fašističkim saveznicama, Njemačkoj i Italiji – obrađujući odnos sa svakom od njih posebno. Učestalo mijenjanje ministara vanjskih poslova i poslanika u najvažnijim
državama za NDH izraz je visoke nestabilnosti i podčinjenosti ustaškog režima okupacijskim silama.
The author presents the key moments of the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia: from the organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in April 1941 to the last attempts to save the Independent State of Croatia in May 1945. The article presents all relevant events for the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia with a focus on the most important participant in certain diplomatic actions. The paper lists all foreign ministers who headed the ministry, their diplomatic activities and the reasons for their dismissal or resignation. The article also provides an insight into the utmost dependence of the Ustasha regime on fascist allies, Germany and Italy. processing the relationship with each of them separately. The frequent change of foreign ministers and ambassadors in the most important states for the NDH is an expression of high instability and subordination of the Ustasha regime to the occupying forces.
U posljednjih 30 godina došlo je do važnih promjena u međunarodnim odnosima. Za početak nove ere može se uzeti pad Berlinskog zida jer od tada ništa više nije isto. U kratkom vremenskom razdoblju ...raspale su se velike zemlje. Obrambeni i sigurnosni izazovi dramatično su se promijenili. Usporedno s tim, promjene su uvjetovale znatnu promjenu uloge vojnih atašea, koji su dobili svoju novu ulogu i postali uključeni u višu razinu suradnje u području obrane i sigurnosti. Obrambeni atašei sada su važna karika u bilateralnoj suradnji među bilateralnim partnerima članstvom u međunarodnim organizacijama i organizacijama koje rade u korist suradnje i mjera izgradnje povjerenja i sigurnosti. Ovaj rad govori o novim pristupima obrambenoj diplomaciji i naglašava njezinu važnost u izgradnji sigurnog okruženja i načinu izgradnje povjerenja među partnerskim zemljama. Svrha je ovoga rada prikazati promjene u području obrambene diplomacije te nove oblike i trendove međunarodne obrambene politike i ulogu obrambene politike u međunarodnom okruženju u svrhu izgradnje i postizanja međunarodnog bilateralnog i multilateralnog povjerenja i sigurnosti.
U radu se na temelju do sada nepoznatih i nekorištenih dokumentarnih izvora sovjetskoga podrijetla predstavljaju i analiziraju stavovi sovjetske diplomacije prema uzrocima nastanka i okolnostima u ...kojima se formirala Nezavisna Država Hrvatska. U tekstu je prikazan sovjetski odnos prema samom činu njezina proglašenja, posljedicama koje je njezin nastanak imao na sudbinu jugoslavenske kraljevine i ulozi Italije i Njemačke u formiranju i prvim danima postojanja Nezavisne Države Hrvatske. Rad sadržava i pregled stavova Sovjetskoga Saveza prema hrvatskom pitanju u jugoslavenskoj državi međuratnoga perioda i sovjetskih diplomatskih ocjena međunarodnih razmjera hrvatskoga problema
u međuraću i prvim danima Drugoga svjetskog rata
During the interwar period, in the climate of a lack of regular diplomatic relations between the Yugoslav kingdom and Soviet Russia/the USSR, the Soviet side came to see the Yugoslav state as an artificial creation that needed to be destroyed. Later, the stance that the Yugoslav state needed to be reconstituted on a federal basis became more
accepted. Despite a series of attempts to normalise interstate relations, a series of controversies, one of the most important being the Soviet stance towards the national question in Yugoslavia, resulted in a lack of regular diplomatic communication between the two states. After long negotiations, official diplomatic relations were established in summer 1940. The most influential Croatian political party – the Croatian Peasant Party led by Vladko Maček – supported the Yugoslav rapprochement with the USSR, seeing in it a sort of counterbalance to aggressive Italian policy towards the Balkans. The Soviet side saw Croatian-Serbian relations – the backbone of the Yugoslav state – as deeply conflicting interests of two opposed bourgeoisies that maintain their political monopoly through compromises and agreements and thus oppose the revolutionary strivings of the working people. They believed that Italy, and especially Germany, would try to use the deep-rooted contradictions between the Serbian and Croatian national bodies in the Yugoslav state in order to destabilise it from within. Soviet diplomacy was convinced that Germany would try to convert Croatia into a starting point for spreading its influence in the Yugoslav lands. They anticipated that, instead of the Croatian Peasant Party, the Axis forces
would place their trust in the Ustasha movement and entrust its leader,
Ante Pavelić, to lead an independent Croatian state, which would in fact be a puppet state similar to Slovakia. They believed that the Ustasha movement, through its statements and proclamations during the April War, managed to play an important role in the collapse of the Yugoslav kingdom. The Soviets considered the newly-established Croatian state under German and Italian patronage a quisling political creation completely dependent on the Axis powers. The Independent State of Croatia’s political and economic treaties with Italy were interpreted as
proof of its status as an Italian protectorate. Despite the fears of the Yugoslav government in exile that the USSR could recognise the Independent State of Croatia and establish diplomatic relations with it,
this did not come to pass due to the Soviets’ negation of its state subjectivity.
Mediation of Robert Sutton during the Passarowitz Peace Conference in 1718 has confirmed the Britain’s new role in international relations. At the same time France approached Britain, confirming a ...new course of its foreign policy. However, such approaching threatened to spoil relations between Britain and Austria. From the last decades of the seventeenth century, British alliance with Austria was highly significant, and therefore as the mediator in peace talks between Austria and Turkey was elected Robert Sutton, already experienced as British Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte. Britain expected that both sides will take into account his diplomatic experience and political credibility. His role turned out to become additionally significant within highly complicated international circumstances. Particularly concerned with the Russian military involvement in the area of Mecklenburg and the strengthening of Russia in the Baltic, as well as with renewed ambitions of Spain in Italy, British government sought to simultaneously control and speed up the Passarowitz peace negotiations.
PDF
