Godine Drugog svetskog rata stavile su odnos jugoslovenske države i iseljenika u Americi u novi kontekst. Nasleđene suprotnosti, novi izazovi nastali kao posledica vesti koje su stizale iz okupirane ...Jugoslavije, delovanje jugoslovenskih političara u emigraciji, ispunjavali su i uticali na odnose unutar iseljeničke zajednice, kao i na odnos različitih iseljeničkih grupa prema jugoslovenskoj vladi i jugoslovenskoj državi. Poseta kralja Petra II Karađorđevića Severnoj Americi 1942. godine, prevashodno organizovana u pravcu jačanja savezništva sa SAD i otvaranja prostora za nove oblike saradnje, uključivala je i susrete sa iseljeničkom zajednicom u cilju prevazilaženja ovih podela ali i obezbeđivanja njihove podrške ratnim naporima stare domovine. Postavljeni ciljevi, tok kao i konačni ishodi i rezultati posete kralja Petra II u kontekstu odnosa sa iseljeničkom zajednicom u Severnoj Americi predmet su analize ovog rada.
Comparative research shows that trade unions are “doing well” only in situations of parallel democratic and economic growth which lead toward social cohesion and reduction of inequality. Simultaneous ...effectuation of all tree development factors never occurred in Serbia. Within the current pandemic crisis, along with democratic deficit, we are re-entering the period when drop in economic indicators causes further increase of poverty and inequality. Serbia’s dramatic stunting can only be partially compensated by high growth rates. Change is possible only with radical change of economic policy, implying integration of necessary regulatory and development functions and role of the state, in other words clear abandonment of widespread neoliberal economic myths. Pandemic crisis, as the crisis affecting both supply and demand, with its numerous challenges, such as remote working, and development of internal control systems and cost reduction that may lead to further flexibility of work, urgently requires the creation of a new Social Contract that would define labour standards and basic income for all persons engaged in any form of work.
In August 1942, five transports were sent to the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau from the territory of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC), with approximately 5,000 Jews. One of them was ...sent from Vinkovci with circa 1,000 Jews. It left the territory of the ISC on 19 August, and arrived in Auschwitz on 22 August. The transport has been only partially researched, mostly regarding victims from the Serbian part of the Syrmia region, without taking into account the complete picture, and with various omissions and mistakes. Documents scattered in numerous archival and other heritage institutions, many of them unknown to research communities in Croatia and Serbia, compared with statistical data for inhabitants of the settlements included in the analysis, reveal what was going on with Jewish communities not only in the wider region of Syrmia (Srijem), nowadays in Croatia and Serbia, but also in Bijeljina in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from where Jews were also incorporated into that transport. The analysis includes not only Jews who were sent to Auschwitz via the detention camp in Vinkovci, where they were kept during July and August 1942 (Jews from Vukovar, Županja, Ruma, Sremska Mitrovica, Bijeljina, Ilok, Šid, maybe some from Stara Pazova), but also those who were sent to the concentration camps in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška from May to August 1942 (Jews from Vinkovci and Zemun, most of the Jews from Stara Pazova, maybe/probably some of those from Ilok and Šid). The paper also includes a review of the destiny of Syrmian and Bijeljina’s Jews during 1941 and in the earlier period of 1942. The Holocaust was almost complete in those areas in August 1942. The only exemption was granted to Jews in mixed marriages and their children, those employed in medical services, and individuals who were exempt on some other basis. Most of them perished in the next wave of deportations in May 1943. The results of the research give a clearer picture of the flow of Holocaust in that part of the territory of the ISC and can be used for the correction and supplementation of the data about victims, not only of the individuals who perished in Auschwitz, registered in the death books from the camp or confirmed as victims of that camp by other sources, but also of those who perished in the concentration camps Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška. Regarding the Croatian part of Syrmia, some new results refer to the victims from Vukovar and Ilok who perished in Auschwitz but were previously linked to the Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška camps. Some of the victims, e.g. those from Županja, were not registered at all, and were mostly deported to Auschwitz. The data for Jews from Vinkovci and Zemun, almost all of whom perished in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška from May to July 1942, can also be updated from the transfer lists of the Ustasha Surveillance Service (Ustaška nadzorna Služba, UNS) used in this research.
U suvremenosti je napušteno umjetno razdvajanje općeg koncepta ljudskih prava na sudski ostvariva klasična liberalna (građanska i politička) prava, te aspiracijska i programska socijalna i ekonomska ...jamstva isključena od mogućnosti (ustavno)sudske zaštite. Stoga je razložno tvrditi da i socijalna prava predstavljaju izraz normativnog konstitucionalizma. Osobito uzme li se u obzir njihov značaj u stvaranju materijalnih preduvjeta ostvarenju dostojanstva i autonomije pojedinca kao svrhe i cilja suvremene ustavne države. Pritom njihova povezanost s proračunskom materijom, kao prerogativom tijela predstavničke demokracije, ne smije biti valjan razlog odricanja mogućnosti njihove (ustavno)sudske ostvarivosti, jer bi se time propis zakonskog ranga (proračun) izdigao ponad vrijednosne strukture temeljnoga dokumenta (ustava) koji uspostavlja pravo na minimum sredstava za vođenje dostojnoga života i autonoman razvoj ljudske osobe. S time na umu, ipak je potrebno definiranje granice do koje ustavno sudište može ići u njihovoj zaštiti, a da ne pokuša supstituirati zakonodavca. Na teorijskoj je razini nemoguće povući „krutu“ crtu razgraničenja između uloge (ustavnog)sudstva i zakonodavca pri realizaciji ustavnih socijalnih jamstava. Stoga se najpogodnijim rješenjem ističe učenje iz poredbene prakse kolumbijskog Ustavnog suda čiji je aktivistički i agresivan pristup zaštiti socijalnih prava u određenim trenucima koketirao s politizacijom Ustavnoga suda. Iz tog je razloga graničnu crtu (ustavno)sudske zaštite socijalnih prava potrebno tražiti u institucionalnim ograničenjima ustavnoga sudstva, radije nego u pokušaju konstruiranja artificijelnih ograničenja tumačenih socijalnih prava i načela.
In modern times, the artificial separation of the general concept of human rights into court-enforceable classic liberal (civil and political) rights and aspirational and programmatic social and economic guarantees excluded from the possibility of (constitutional) judicial protection. Therefore, it is reasonable to claim that social rights are also an expression of normative constitutionalism. Especially if their importance for creation of material prerequisites for realization of individual's dignity and autonomy, as the purpose and goal of the modern constitutional state, is taken into account. At the same time, their connection with budgetary matter, as the prerogative of the bodies of representative democracy, must not be a valid reason for renouncing the possibility of their (constitutional) judicial enforceability, since this would raise the regulation of legal rank (budget) above the value structure of the fundamental document (constitution) that establishes the right to minimum means for leading a dignified life and autonomous development of the human person. Having this in mind, it is still necessary to define the limit to which the constitutional court can go in their protection, without trying to replace the legislator. At the theoretical level, it is impossible to draw a “rigid” line of demarcation between the role of the (constitutional) courts and the legislator in the realization of constitutional social guarantees. Therefore, the most suitable solution is to learn from the comparative practice of the Colombian Constitutional Court, whose activist and aggressive approach to the protection of social rights at certain times flirted with the politicization of the Constitutional Court. For this reason, the boundary line of (constitutional) judicial protection of social rights should be sought in the institutional limitations of the constitutional courts, rather than in the attempt to construct artificial limitations of interpreted social rights and principles.
Razdoblje neposredno nakon Prvog svjetskog rata obilježeno je nizom političkih i gospodarskih odluka koje su nepovratno izmijenile društvenu strukturu kao i posjedovne odnose na području cijele ...Države SHS. Sa svrhom ukidanja posljednjih tragova feudalnih ili kolonatskih odnosa te ukidanja veleposjeda, agrarna je reforma bez iznimke provedena na području cijele Države. Dostupna istraživanja u značajnoj su mjeri obrazložila postupak donošenja političkih odluka, kao i postupak primjene agrarne reforme na različitim feudalnim imanjima na području Države te su od neizmjernog značaja za razumijevanje problematike u historijskom, ali i u pravnom smislu. Kada je riječ o provođenju reforme i ukidanju veleposjeda na području Slavonije, pravna historiografija raspolaže podacima o nestajanju velikih imanja slavonskoga plemstva, ali ne i o statusu posjeda bogatih posjednika, osobito onih njemačke narodnosti. U svrhu popunjavanja stanovite praznine, ovo se istraživanje nastojalo usredotočiti na pravnogospodarske učinke provođenja agrarne reforme na veleposjedu Josipa Gustava Blaua koji je istaknutim doprinosom kulturnom razvoju grada Osijeka ostavio značajan trag u historiografiji grada. Detaljnom raščlambom dostupnog arhivskog materijala, kao i komparacijom zaključaka dostupnih istraživanja nastajat će se utvrditi i prikazati veličina i pravni status veleposjeda Pomoćin prije, ali i neposredno nakon eksproprijacije u okviru provođenja agrarne reforme u razdoblju 1921. – 1929. godine.
The period immediately after the First World War was marked by a series of political and economic decisions that irrevocably changed the social structure as well as property relations in the territory of the entire State of SHS. With the purpose of abolishing the last traces of feudal or colonate relations and the abolition of large estates, the agrarian reform was carried out without exception on the territory of the entire country. The available research significantly explained the process of making political decisions, as well as the process of applying the agrarian reform on different estates in the territory of the State, and they are of immense importance for understanding the issue in a historical and legal sense. When it comes to the implementation of the reform and the abolition of large estates in the territory of Slavonia, legal historiography has data on the disappearance of large estates of the Slavonian nobility, but not on the status of the estates of wealthy landowners, especially those of German nationality. In order to fill a certain gap, this research tried to focus on the legal-economic effects of implementing the agrarian reform on the large estate of Josip Gustav Blau, who left a significant mark in the historiography of the city with his prominent contribution to the cultural development of the city of Osijek. A detailed analysis of the available archival material, as well as a comparison of the conclusions of the available research, will try to determine and present the size and the legal status of the Pomoćin estate before, but also immediately after the expropriation in the framework of the implementation of the agrarian reform in the period from 1921 to 1929.
This special volume collects contributions from leading scholars who scrutinize the challenges digital finance presents for the EU internal market and financial market regulation from multiple public ...policy perspectives. Author contributions aim to provide policy-relevant research and ideas shedding light on the complexities of the digital finance promise. They also offer solid proposals for reform of EU financial services law.
This handbook provides comprehensive and expert analysis of the impact of the Brexit process and the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union on existing and future EU-UK relations ...within the context of both EU and international law.
Examining the wider international law implications, it additionally assesses the complex legal consequences of Brexit for both the EU and the UK in their dealings with third states and other international organizations. With contributions from renowned specialists in the field of EU external action, each chapter will analyse specific policy areas to address key challenges arising from the Brexit process for the EU and the UK and propose solutions to overcome these problems. The handbook aims to fill a gap in research by assessing the consequences of Brexit under EU external relations law and international law. As such, it is hoped it will set the research agenda for coming years on the international dimension of Brexit.
The Routledge Handbook on the International Dimension of Brexit is an authoritative and essential reference text for scholars and students of international and European/EU law and policy, EU politics, and British politics and Brexit, as well as of key relevance to legal practitioners involved in Brexit, governments, policy-makers, civil society organizations, think tanks, practitioners, national parliaments and the Court of Justice.
Kruha i igara Dujmović, Lucija
In medias res,
09/2022, Volume:
11, Issue:
21
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
U ovom preglednom članku se analizira odnos između igre i sreće, kocke, države i zakona. U prvom dijelu rada se predstavlja igra i igre na sreću te njen značaj za čovjeka i tranzicija u područje ...ovisnosti. U drugom dijelu se govori o kocki, hazardnim igrama, državi i zakonima. Spominju se pravni akti i uplitanje etike i morala u priređivanje igara na sreću i njihovo oglašavanje. Zaključak objedinjuje sve navedeno te iznosi neka pitanja na koje se tek trebaju dati cjeloviti odgovori.
This review article analyzes the relationship between play and luck, gambling, the state and the law. The first part of the paper is about the games and the games of chance.; its impact on man and the transition into the field of addiction.The second part is about gambling, high risk games, the state and state’s law, legal acts and the interference of ethics and morality in the organization of games of chance and their advertising. The conclusion brings together all of the above and presents some questions that need to be answered.
U radu se ispituju preobražaji teorije blagostanja, s osloncem na društvenopovijesne i ideološke prilike koje su utjecale na promjene shvaćanja uloge države. Prvo se analizira ideja blagostanja u ...škotskom prosvjetiteljstvu, odnosno stara teorija blagostanja po kojoj država nije izvor blagostanja, već je to vlastiti interes. Ova prvobitna teorija blagostanja utemeljena je na učenju škotskih moralnih filozofa koji su, sukladno antropološkom skepticizmu, smatrali da je samoljublje ona antropološka karakteristika koja dovodi do društvenog napretka i da samo vlastiti interes može motivirati ljude da služe drugima. Kasnije, uslijed promijenjenih društvenih i političkih prilika, širenjem uvjerenja da je vladina djelatnost neophodna za slobodu i samorazvitak građana, polako se napušta laissez-faire liberalizam, a državni intervencionizam postaje ključni faktor osiguranja društvenog blagostanja. U tom smislu analiziraju se promjene u okviru liberalne tradicije u drugoj polovici XIX. i prvoj polovici XX. stoljeća. Zatim se detaljno ispituje institucionalizirana država blagostanja kao poseban oblik organizacije kapitalističkog društva poslije Drugog svjetskog rata, i njoj svojstvena moderna teorija blagostanja. Na kraju, prikazana je i kritika države blagostanja i samog pojma blagostanja oličena kako u djelu najpoznatijih predstavnika neoliberalnog vala, tako i u politikama konzervativno-liberalnih vlada 80-ih i 90-ih godina XX. stoljeća.
The objective of the paper is to indicate the wider context that should be taken into consideration when conducting a reform of the existing system of relationship between the local authorities and ...the central authority. The paper identifies not only the limitations, but also the possibilities available to the holders of the reform of the relationship between the local authorities and the central authority. Furthermore, the paper particularly stresses the necessity of respecting the relationship of the system towards the subsystems and the elements thereof as a necessary prerequisite for the introduction of a new system of satisfactory entropy level. The share of public income exceeds the tax capacity of the Croatian economy. Since, on the one hand, the existing tax pressure is unsustainable, it is, on the other hand, necessary to considerably increase the share of the local administration and self-administration in the income collected from taxes. By becoming a member state of the European Union, Croatia has waived one part of its national sovereignty. Abandoning national sovereignty in general redefines the system and the politics, which for its part makes the existing relationship between the central authority and the local authorities counterproductive. In order to reduce development-related differences among counties, and to secure the minimal standard of public goods for all citizens, it is necessary to establish a new system starting from the market state. The existing system regarding the relationship between the central authority and the local authorities was unsatisfactory in the circumstances of the national state. In a market state, it is unsustainable as such. In a market state, counties ought to take over the responsibility for the development of economy in their areas in order to 1) increase tax capacity that 2) enables a larger quantity and diversity of public goods. Though introducing economic principles into specifying the relationship between the central authority and the local authorities does not mean giving up interregional, interpersonal and intergenerational solidarity, their relationship ought to be based on the principles of competitiveness growth, as a foundation of the survival and development of any market state. The paper proposes a change in the approach to observing the problems, and the manner of solving economic issues at state level; possible solutions regarding the relationship between the central authority and the local authorities may thereby be observed and derived in order to actualise the necessary public goods within democratic processes, whereby the public sector should not jeopardize the competitiveness of the economy. The paper furthermore stresses the need to define the minimal standard of public goods at state level ensured by the central authority, accompanied by stimuli (including the intervention-related ones) granted by the counties, which are meant to accelerate the development and present the starting point for the equality of all the citizens of Croatia.
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