Between 1993 and 2003, more than 370 girls and women were murdered and their often-mutilated bodies dumped outside Ciudad Juárez in Chihuahua, Mexico. The murders have continued at a rate of ...approximately thirty per year, yet law enforcement officials have made no breakthroughs in finding the perpetrator(s). Drawing on in-depth surveys, workshops, and interviews of Juárez women and border activists, Violence and Activism at the Border provides crucial links between these disturbing crimes and a broader history of violence against women in Mexico. In addition, the ways in which local feminist activists used the Juárez murders to create international publicity and expose police impunity provides a unique case study of social movements in the borderlands, especially as statistics reveal that the rates of femicide in Juárez are actually similar to other regions of Mexico. Also examining how non-governmental organizations have responded in the face of Mexican law enforcement's “normalization” of domestic violence, Staudt's study is a landmark development in the realm of global human rights.
In this article author deals with the problem of a sudden increase of a number of women killed in family violence in Serbia. What was reported, but somehow fell out of a sight of all observers and ...commentators is that approximately 2/3 of perpetrators of these femicids commited suicide after initial deed. Since there are no significant anomalies in Serbian society besides introduction of a new Law on prevention of a family violence, the reason for this abrupt explosion of this femicid/suicid combination must sit within it. Author argues that urgent measures, as the Law calls they, which are imposed on a possible perpetrator of a family violence, have in fact all material characteristics of a punishments, and these would be very heavy since one is forbidden from seeing his family or living within his apartment, but they are not pronounced in a court of law after a due criminal procedure. Moreover, individuals which are imposed to these urgent measures did not do anything bad since they are called by the Law the possible perpetrators. That means that they did not do anything but might, in the future, perpetrate some act of a family violence. So they are some sort of the quasi-perpetrators. Hence, a short conversation with a simple police officer leads to the effect which would normally first demand an act to have been done and then it would take a month of a contradictory presentation of a evidence before a competent court. Finally, there would be right to a appeal. It is no wonder that urgent measures are in fact seen as extremlly illegitimate and unfounded, and as a form of quasi-punishments, they provoked this deadly reaction. Knowing that individuals who are prone to suicide are in such a despair, that they see the only exit from their living problems in complete nullity, we can only imagine in what an extreme scope of hopelessness they are brought, since they opted for a total nonexistence. In a sum, with the urgent measures lawgiver created functional equivalent of a harshest criminal penalties but without heavy burden of a criminal procedure. By this he created a mongrel with deadly consequences. Penal repression which is seen as a extremely illegitimate leads to extreme resistance and refusal whose final consequence could be deterioration and aggravation of a societal phenomenon which it allegedly tried to solve.
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This collection of 11 essays unravels the reasons for the depleting child sex ratio in India. The contributors, all distinguished demographers and social scientists, describe the political economy of ...sentiments and sexual mores that leads parents to kill unborn daughters.
The global and the intimate Pratt, Geraldine; Rosner, Victoria
2012., 20120501, 2012, 2012-05-01, 20120101
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By placing the global and the intimate in near relation, sixteen essays by prominent feminist scholars and authors forge a distinctively feminist approach to questions of transnational relations, ...economic development, and intercultural exchange. This pairing enables personal modes of writing and engagement with globalization debates and forges a definition of justice keyed to the specificity of time, place, and feeling. Writing from multiple disciplinary and geographical perspectives, the contributors participate in a long-standing feminist tradition of upending spatial hierarchies and making theory out of the practices of everyday life.
U radu se daje kritički osvrt na Prijedlog Osme novele Kaznenog zakona, prema nacrtu iz rujna 2023., koja donosi niz novina, od kojih su dvije najznačajnije: uvođenje teškog ubojstva ženske bliske ...osobe(čl. 111.a KZ-a) i neovlaštenog otkrivanja sadržaja izvidne ili dokazne radnje (čl. 307.a KZ-a). Autori smatraju da je navedenu novu inkriminaciju femicida potrebno preformulirati u rodno utemeljeno ubojstvo žene te ga uvrstiti u čl. 111. KZ-a. Uvođenje femicida kao kvalifikatornog oblika ubojstva nije nužno, ali bi poslalo snažnu generalnopreventivnu poruku za taj najteži oblik nasilja nad ženama te olakšalo njegovo statističko praćenje. U vezi s tim smatraju važnim definiratirodno utemeljeno nasilje kao kvalifikatornu, odnosno podredno otegotnu okolnost kod svih kaznenih djela. Također, autori smatraju da se inkriminacija iz čl. 307.a KZ-a preklapa s kaznenim djelom povrede tajnosti postupka iz čl. 307. st. 1. KZ-a. Pritom predlažu izričito propisati pretežniji interes kao razlog isključenja protupravnosti ili će se on primjenjivati po analogiji s čl. 300. st. 2. KZ-a. Autori smatraju da bi trebalo odustati od predloženog dodatnog pooštravanja propisanih kazni kod spolnih delikata jer će stvoriti disbalans u odnosu na druga kaznena djela. Autori kritički analiziraju i preostale odredbe predložene Novele.
The authors argue that the draft definition of femicide needs to be reformulated into thegender-based murder of a woman and included in Art. 111 CC. The introduction of femicide asan aggravated murder is perhaps not necessary, but it would send a strong message of generaldeterrence to the public for this most serious form of violence against women and facilitate itsstatistical monitoring. In this regard, the authors consider it important to define gender-basedviolence as an aggravating circumstance for all criminal acts. The authors also express theview that the proposed incrimination related to Art. 307.a CC overlaps with the criminal offence of violation of the secrecy of proceedings under Art. 307, paragraph 1 CC. At the sametime, they believe that it would be desirable to explicitly regulate overriding interest as a reasonfor excluding illegality, or will it be applied by analogy to Art. 300, paragraph 2 CC in favourof the perpetrator, which is permitted (in favorem bonam partem). The authors further arguethat the proposed additional tightening of the prescribed penalties for sexual offences shouldbe abandoned because this will create an imbalance in relation to other criminal offences. Inaddition, they argue that it is necessary to specify the description of the criminal offence ofabuse of women under Art. 179.a CC to prevent misdemeanours from being considered criminal offences. For the conclusion, the authors also critically analyse the remaining provisions of the proposed Novella concerning the offence of sexual harassment and the new criminal offence ofanimal abandonment.
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U kontekstu nasilja nad ženama rad se bavi problematikom intimnog femicida – tako snažnom riječju političke konotacije s prizvukom feminističkog stremljenja k prepoznavanju i definiranju rodno ...uvjetovanog ubojstva žena počinjenog od muškarca samo na temelju njihova rodnog statusa. U pokušaju obuhvaćanja različitih oblika ponašanja, femicid je nadmašio svoje inicijalno značenje i nadišao okvire jasne teorijske koncepcije, što je rezultirao kontraučinkom u vidu njegove nejasnoće i nepronalaženja unificirane, sveobuhvatne i općeprihvaćene definicije. Upravo je nepreciznost koncepcije femicida, ali i bojazan narušavanja neutralnosti zakonskih odredbi, za hrvatskog zakonodavca bila (snažna) prepreka njegovu inkorporiranju u kaznenopravni okvir. Također, javni diskurs o uvođenju femicida kao posebnog oblika rodno uvjetovanog ubojstava žena okupirale su antagonističke kontroverze. Unatoč navedenom, očita su bila stremljenja k izdvajanju femicida u posebnu kategoriju, različitu od ostalih oblika ubojstva upravo zbog rodne komponente, kao njegove bitne odrednice i prisutnosti nasilja nad ženama, kao njegove imanentne pertinencije. Rezultat navedenih tendencija recentne su izmjene Kaznenog zakona, unutar kojeg je femicid našao svoje mjesto kao posebno kazneno djelo ‘teško ubojstvo ženske osobe’. No, hrvatski je zakonodavac još 2011. pod utjecajem Istanbulske konvencije inkorporirao (novi) kvalificirani oblik ubojstva ‘bliske osobe koju je počinitelj prije zlostavljao’ koje se zbog konotacije prethodnoga nasilničkog ponašanja, može podvesti pod zajednički nazivnik s femicidom, ali samo u pogledu uskog poimanja potonjeg, kao intimnog femicida. U kontekstu navedenog u radu se analizira praksa VSRH te Visokoga kaznenog suda RH u vremenu od 1. siječnja 2013., odnosno 1. siječnja 2021. do 1. siječnja 2024. u predmetima počinjenja kaznenog djela teškog ubojstva iz čl. 111. st. 3. KZ/11 u kojem su žrtve žene, a počinitelji muškarci koji su prethodno zlostavljali žrtvu i s kojom su bili u intimnoj vezi. Nadalje, kako je ‘mržnja prema ženi’ bitna odrednica femicida općenito, analizirane su i presude VSRH i Visokoga kaznenog suda RH u pogledu kaznenog djela teškog ubojstva iz toč. 4. čl. 111. KZ/11 počinjenog prema ženama. Konačno, analizirani su podatci DZS-a te MUP-a o trendu kretanja nasilja i ubojstava žena, napose počinjenih od intimnog partnera. Cilj je provedenog istraživanje odgovoriti na pitanje je li, unatoč izostavljanju termina femicida iz kaznenopravnog okvira, na normativnoj razini i u sudskoj praksi, bila osigurana adekvatna zaštita najekstremnijeg oblika rodno uvjetovanog nasilja nad ženama?
El feminicidio es un problema complejo que involucra sucesivas formas de violencia en las relaciones afectivas, provocando importantes consecuencias individuales y colectivas. El objetivo fue ...analizar los sistemas representacionales presentes en los repertorios discursivos de sentencias judiciales sobre casos de feminicidio en el estado de Bahía, realizando un estudio documental sobre casos denunciados como feminicidio por el Ministerio Público en 2020 y 2021, disponible en la Plataforma Jusbrasil. Se encontraron 121 documentos, en los cuales 15 frases cumplieron con los criterios de inclusión. Estos fueron analizados utilizando el enfoque de Análisis de Redes Sociales. Los resultados revelaron diferencias significativas en las decisiones judiciales y su razonamiento. Comparando las posiciones entre jueces y juezas se identificó diferencias relacionadas con el género. Las sentencias estaban ancladas principalmente en justificaciones sexistas, materializadas en frases del sistema representacional. Entre estas tenemos motivaciones para el delito como los celos, los sentimientos de posesión y separación.
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L’Argentine connaît depuis quelques années des mobilisations féministes particulièrement massives et inventives, qui rassemblent plusieurs générations de femmes, migrantes, lesbiennes, trans de toute ...classe sociale. C’est directement en lien avec le mouvement de lutte contre les féminicides et son mot d’ordre Ni Una Menos qu’a été organisée en octobre 2016 la première grande grève nationale des femmes, renouvelée le 8 mars 2017 par une grève féministe internationale. La chercheuse féministe Verónica Gago a accepté de répondre à nos questions sur la genèse de ces grèves féministes et leurs apports théoriques et pratiques. Dans le contexte d’une très longue période « d’isolement social obligatoire » au printemps 2020 en Argentine, elle évoque aussi l’exacerbation des inégalités et des violences contre les femmes. Les associations et groupes féministes mènent de nombreuses actions pour maintenir les liens, s’entraider et rendre visible ces violences. L’urgence de l’aide immédiate s’inscrit néanmoins dans les cadres de l’organisation féministe, théorique et pratique, déployée depuis 2015, dont les grèves féministes ont constitué le fil rouge. Comme l’explique Verónica Gago, la grève féministe permet de lier violence économique et violence domestique, de faire des femmes des sujets politiques, de révéler la valeur du travail non reconnu, de provoquer un moment d’éducation populaire féministe à différentes échelles et de rendre possible une grève véritablement générale…
L'auteur français Roland Dorgelès est surtout connu pour ses écrits de guerre. Pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, l'écrivain combattant entretint une relation amoureuse avec Madeleine Borgeaud, ...laquelle s'acheva sur une rupture dont il ne se remit jamais. S'ensuivit une obsession pour la fiancée de guerre qui traverse, sur plus de trois décennies, les lettres intimes autant que la création littéraire et autobiographique de l'auteur. Son écriture de la masculinité blessée se caractérise par le recours au chantage affectif, l'assomption de la culpabilité féminine, et l'expression lancinante du sentiment d'un dû dont le paroxysme envisage le féminicide comme rétribution cathartique dont Borgeaud seule trouve la parade. Publiés à la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les écrits tardifs de Dorgelès font enfin face au problème éthique que pose l'absence de la voix du sujet de son ressentiment. Ils dévoilent aussi l'ampleur de la violence jamais apaisée qui caractérisa cette relation amoureuse ainsi que son souvenir. S'appuyant sur une analyse de détail, cet article contribue à retracer l'histoire des relations de genre au cours de l'entre-deux-guerres français en relevant comment la masculinisation de la souffrance qui a suivi la Première Guerre mondiale a amplifié et normalisé l'agressivité genrée du vétéran de guerre.
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