Ovidij Ovid; Polonca Zupančič
Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca,
12/2021, Volume:
23, Issue:
2
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
Pismo v verzih, ki ga piše Paris Heleni, spada v drugo skupino Ovidijevih Pisem junakinj in je verjetno nastalo med letoma 4 in 8: medtem ko je za prvo serijo pisem značilno, da gre za enostranska ...pisma razočaranih in večinoma zapuščenih ženskih likov iz mitologije, slednjo sestavljajo pisma treh zaljubljencev, ki izpovedujejo svojo ljubezen, sledijo pa odgovori izbrank.
Ovidij Ovid; Polonca Zupančič
Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca,
08/2021, Volume:
23, Issue:
1
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
Ojnonino pismo Parisu spada v prvi del Ovidijeve mladostne zbirke z naslovom Pisma junakinj, ki je nastala pred letom 15 pr. Kr. V tej zbirki se je Ovidij prelevil v ženske like iz grške mitologije, ...ki pišejo svojim ljubimcem – gre za enostranska pisma, v katerih pesnik večinoma upodablja zapuščene ženske, ki objokujejo svojo usodo, trpijo zaradi povzročene krivice in z izjemno retorično spretnostjo zaman prepričujejo svoje nesojene ljubimce, naj se vrnejo nazaj.
The motif of Icarus is richly represented in small objects, such as gems and cameos, as well as in wall paintings, but appears only rarely in stone sculpture. As pointed out by Arnold Schober, it has ...achieved its greatest popularity in Noricum and especially in Pannonia: outside these provinces, a larger number is represented only in Regio X Venetia et Histria. Icarus is accompanied by Daedalus or one of the Parcae, who is attaching wings to his arms. The majority of the statuettes shows Icarus standing, naked or draped only in a chlamys, with large wings attached to his shoulders. Since the Roman Empire has so few representations of the young hero just before or during the fight, Schober has labelled this motif as a special feature of Norico-Pannonian sepulchral monuments. Most of the statuettes were found in the territory of a Roman necropolis, and they apparently belonged to the decoration of the sepulchral monuments. They usually served as the acroteria of the tympanums of the aedicule tomb, which is confirmed by their more or less rudimentary workmanship and in some cases by a pair of holes in the plinth. Icarus was also one of the rare mythological motifs depicted on the sepulchral monuments of the eastern part of Gallia Cisalpina, where it doubtlessly decorated the acroterium. Statues were found in the necropolises of Aquileia and Altinum. All date to the Julio-Claudian era and resemble those from Noricum and Pannonia. The theme probably came to the Danubian provinces with a time delay through well-established merchant connections. The high-quality fragment from Flavia Solva shows sitting on Icarus’ left side a naked woman, usually interpreted as one of the Parcae, who is securing his wings. In this position she replaces Daedalus, who is sculpted beside Icarus especially from the 5th century BC onward. She might be an allusion to Icarus’ premature death. An almost identical composition is found in a wall painting from Echzell (Germania Superior), where the Parca is replaced with Daedalus, and on a sarcophagus from Asia Minor depicting Icarus’ life. Based on the narrative cycle of Icarus’ life on that sarcophagus, Salvatore Calderone has pointed out a Neoplatonic explanation of the myth: that the fight and fall could symbolise the soul which goes into the sky, from where it falls to Earth again. As Icarus in the Danubian provinces is never shown falling but rather flying or about to take wing (the only exception being the relief from Carnuntum), the image may express a Neoplatonic thesis and the apotheosis of the deceased. The provinces display at least three elementary types: Icarus standing alone with outstretched winged arms – this type probably derives from Aquileia; Icarus in relief, together with the Parca or Daedalus; and the bust of Icarus in the tympanum of the stele or acroterium. The fragment in Joanneum has most probably arrived from one of the Attic sarcophagi, where the Parca often appears by the side of the protagonists who die prematurely.
L’Euridice, composta in musica in stile rappresentativo by Giulio Caccini (1551–1618) is considered the first fully preserved and printed opera in music history. It was composed in 1600 to the ...libretto by Ottavio Rinuccini, itself commissioned for the wedding celebrations of Maria de Medici and her spouse, the French king Henry IV. The score was printed in 1600 in Florence and dedicated to Count Giovanni Bardi; in 1615 it was reprinted in Venice, but without the dedication. In fact, Caccini had not been commissioned to write the music for that occasion: in 1600 the official composer of the opera Euridice had been Jacopo Peri, whose version, with approximately one sixth of Caccini’s music – the parts sung by Caccini’s family members, including Euridice’s part – was performed in Florence on 6 October 1600. At this hybrid performance, parts of Giulio Caccini’s opera were heard for the first time. The only known full staging of Caccini’s opera took place on 5 December 1602 at Palazzo Pitti in Florence to honour Cardinal Montalto. It entertained the noble public for two hours. Considering the simplicity and shortness of the extant score, the performance cannot have been a simple one: it would have included repetitions, dances, and other unwritten additions. In the tradition of humanist Florentine circles, Ottavio Rinuccini’s libretto follows one of the most famous classical myths – the story of the divine singer Orpheus, which was particularly appropriate for a first attempt to resurrect the classical tragedy, believed to have been entirely sung. Yet Rinuccini was inspired not only by Ovid’s and Virgil’s narratives of the myth but also by Angelo Poliziano’s Favola di Orfeo and some other, earlier Renaissance sources. Thee story itself was partly changed and adapted to the occasion of an important state marriage, a common practice in later operatic texts as well. It tells only the first part of the myth, centred on the tragic loss of Eurydice and on Orpheus’ despair: on his ‘magic’ song that makes the underworld deities return his beloved to life. Omitting Eurydice’s second death, the opera has her and her Orpheus return to the meadow, where it ends with a happy chorus of nymphs and shepherds. Caccini’s Euridice did not have a wide dissemination in the early 17th century, but somehow the score (published in a single volume, as a score for a single voice and instrumental bass with some four- and five-part choruses) found its way into the music collection of the Cathedral of Ljubljana, where it was first recorded in 1620 as »Euridice Giulii Cazini in folio«. Another hand added »desunt«, meaning that the second review had found it missing. At the next review, however, a third hand added new information, »L’euridice composta Julii Caccini liber solus«, probably referring to the same copy – now found – rather than to a second copy. Unfortunately neither of the music items listed in the above-mentioned inventory survives, so these two short notes are the only testimony to an early presence of Giulio Caccini’s Euridice in Ljubljana. The article discusses some possible theories on why and how the score might have entered the Ljubljana inventory.
Tema tega zapisa, prvotno objavljenega v diskusijski skupini Agor@, je tudi v okviru revije Keria »popularizacija antike«, njegov povod pa dogodek, ki je -vsaj po mojem prepričanju in spominu - eden ...najbolj kvalitetnih prispevkov k tej popularizaciji. Že uvodoma naj poudarim, daje ta vidik izrazito omejen, obroben, skorajda hermetičen; kvaliteta nove predstave je ravno v tem, da njeno strateško bistvo ni didaktično (čeprav v njej nastopa cela enciklopedija grških mitoloških junakov).
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