The Macedonian name dispute, a political debate between Greece and the current Republic of North Macedonia, arose after the break-up of the multi-ethnic Yugoslavia. The issue was overpoliticized for ...the societies of both countries. The international community followed the dispute, yet it did not exercise any pressure on Greece to cede in a debate seen by many as the stronger bullying the weaker. A breakthrough became achievable when political forces interested in the resolution came into power in both countries in the mid-2010s. The Prespa Agreement, signed in 2018, offered a mutually acceptable resolution and opened the way for North Macedonia to enter the NATO and to the opening of accession talks with the EU in March 2020.
Following the signing of the Prespa Agreement in June 2018, the Macedonian name issue became the most prominent topic on the Greek political agenda, catalysing an exceptional political confrontation ...and contributing to the realignment of political parties and eventually to government change. Analysing the political discourse and public debate on the issue from January 2018 until the July 2019 national elections, as well as opinion polls and electoral results, the paper explores the conditions leading to the escalation of political polarisation on the left/right axis, at the expense of smaller centrist parties. It is argued that political antagonism was built on the previous political cleavage (although the populist/anti-populism axis was now reversed). By mobilising public emotions around an alleged 'national threat', the polarisation around the Macedonian name issue proved far more successful for the Greek right than for the left.
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One of the most important developments in dispute resolution law is the emergence of online dispute resolution methods. There are ambiguities and legal issues regarding said methods due to their ...specific characteristics and occurrence in cyberspace. One of the challenges of these methods is how to enforce the results because the ordinary or traditional methods of enforcing final dispute resolution documents are not helpful in this field. Due to the high importance of the enforcement of final documents in the validity and acceptability of each dispute resolution method, the legal doctrine and e-commerce activists: predicted and implemented solutions about automatic enforcement of results of online dispute resolution methods without the need for the recourse to courts or other authorities. The present study has examined the strategies of automatic enforcement of ODR final documents in the following topics: "Monetary Enforcement Mechanisms", "Domain Name Resolution Enforcement Strategies", and "Automatic Enforcement Based on Blockchain Technology". The present article concludes that supporting and promoting online dispute resolution methods and strategies for automatic enforcement of ODR final documents is the most critical and fundamental step in reducing the workload of the courts and other legal authorities. At the same time, such a goal is not achievable without the legislature's support and the approval of the corresponding laws. In this regard, the Iranian Legislature is advised to draft and enact integrated and comprehensive rules in the area.
As open access model of journal publication increases, predatory journals, which deceive scholars to publish journals in fake database websites and exploit them for publishing fee, is also ...increasing. There are two types of predatory journals. First, journal hijacking and cybersquatting generally create fake database website by mimicking authentic database website, thereby defrauding scholars for publication fee. Second, journal phishing use scam emails to steal scholars’ personal information. If scholars suffered damage from predatory journals, scholars can take either arbitral or judicial actions. Arbitral action follows arbitrational resolution process termed Uniform Domain-Name Dispute-Resolution Policy. Scholars can join Uniform Domain-Name Dispute-Resolution Policy proceeding with legal entity that has right to authentic database website, which will result in cancellation or transfer of fake database website. In contrast, scholars can take judicial action under Anticybersquatting Consumer Protection Act, which may help scholars to recover an actual monetary damage from predatory journals. Nonetheless, taking precaution to avoid predatory journals is the best course of action, rather than going through arduous cure procedures. Scholars may prevent predatory journals by carefully examining fake database website names or email addresses, or observing unreasonable number of published article issues in predatory journal websites.
Abstract
The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of ...instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution.
This article examines Greece and North Macedonia's parliamentary ratifications of the Prespa Agreement. Given the decisive role of national parliaments in the process of the agreement's success, the ...article investigates to what extent this specific institutional setting influenced the dispute concerning the bilateral agreement. The article poses the following question: which factors explain support and opposition towards the agreement within the two national parliaments? We found that two conflicting models of parliamentary representation characterized the type of support for or opposition to the agreement: the trustee and the representative models. Drawing on an analysis of the vote outcomes and a qualitative discourse analysis of the plenary debates, the article demonstrates that whereas the governing parties in both states adhered to the trustee model - prioritizing their international responsibility and the state's collective interests - opposition parties acted as representatives of specific sub-groups of voters and their particularistic interests or identities.
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The Macedonia name dispute was resolved in 2018 with the signing of the Prespa Agreement. Ambassador Nimetz – one of the key players in the solution efforts – queried recently “Why did it take us so ...long?”, echoing the confusion of foreign observers about what has routinely been seen as an incomprehensible spat. This article provides more context about the past intractability of the dispute by focusing on the role of Greek public opinion. Taking stock of the literature on the relationship between foreign policy-making and public opinion, our analysis identifies key parameters for investigating the influence of Greek public opinion on policy. We test these parameters against empirical data from a comprehensive poll on the name dispute that was conducted in 2016, only a few months before the start of the negotiations that led to the Prespa Agreement. Our analysis demonstrates the extent and depth of the Greek public’s opposition to any compromise, as well as the emotional involvement in the Macedonia name dispute. The findings have implications for our understanding of the process that led to the settlement of the dispute as well as the challenges of implementing the agreement.
Abstract
This article analyses the impact of China and, even more importantly, Chinese individuals on the governance of domain names, which form the fundamental structure of the Internet commons. ...Many commons exist in physical space, but increasingly, commons in digital space will be overexploited, and that is why the Internet and its interconnections, made of an unlimited number of domain names, need to be carefully regulated. Internet domain names are true economic assets which raise important legal issues in China and in the rest of the world. This article reviews the key developments in case law over the last decade with a focus on China. Interestingly, at least 35% of domain name disputes involve a Chinese responding party. The article shows that, despite being a major provider of users, China was never involved in the regulation and design of the Internet. In fact, China has rather emerged as a rule-shaker, given the large involvement of Chinese cybersquatters in the domain names case law. Fundamentally, this article shows that there is a tension between Internet control in China and global interconnection, which has had direct consequences for China's engagement with ICANN and other institutions in charge of DNS globally.
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In the early 1990s Greece blocked the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia under that name and is currently blocking accession of this country to NATO and EU demanding name changes, ...which the government of Skopje refuses to adopt. The Macedonia name dispute is a clash over historical narratives and the right to claim origins of the Macedonian ethnic group and nation today and in the ancient past. For Greece, the key element is winning the argument over the legitimacy of ancient Macedon as a Greek state and not having the name Macedonia used by its northern neighbour. For the Republic, the intricacies of the ancient history are only instrumental to the recognition of the country under its constitutional name and the unblocking of the Euro-Atlantic integration. Consequently, the only way to resolve the seemingly intractable name dispute between Greece and Macedonia is to deal with the historical and identity issues that both sides care most for and ignore those that are not important for the resolution or could be left aside to be disagreed upon without political consequences. A political solution with an agreed international name for the country 'Republic of Makedonija' is likely to solve the dispute and improve the relations between the two countries.
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