Cilj je radnje analizirati i kontekstualizirati knjižarsko oglašavanje u zadarskoj periodici iz prve polovice 19. stoljeća. Za analizu su odabrani ,,Kraljski Dalmatin" , prve novine tiskane i ...hrvatskim jezikom, i ,,Zora dalmatinska" , izdavana u jeku preporoda u cijelosti na hrvatskom jeziku. Objavljeni su oglasi popisani, a oni zanimljiviji prikazani su u tekstu. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su već prve novine tiskane hrvatskim jezikom, ,,Kraljski Dalmatin" , korištene za povremeno i skromno knjižarsko oglašavanje - u svim godištima toga lista objavljeno je 7 oglasa. ,,Zora dalmatinska" je 30-ak godina kasnije intenzivnije korištena za različite vidove knjižarskog oglašavanja. Kroz ukupno 93 oglasa promovirane su knjige, časopisi, novine, kalendari i almanasi, tiskani su pozivi na pretplatu i podsjetnici pretplatnicima da podmire dugovanja, objavljivani su književni pregledi i sl. Istraživanje je rezultiralo dvama temeljnim zaključcima. Prvo, nakladnici prvih zadarskih novina prepoznali su oglasni potencijal toga medija koji upravo tijekom 19. stoljeća postaje prihvaćeno komunikacijsko sredstvo. Drugo, novinsko je oglašavanje izravno odražavalo suvremene kulturne i političke okolnosti, što je razvidno iz učestalog oglašavanja preporodnih djela u ,,Zori dalmatinskoj".
Cilj. U radu se na primjeru „Danice“, vodećeg hrvatskog književnog lista prepo- rodnog razdoblja, problematizira knjižarsko oglašavanje u novinama, relativno novom mediju koji je tijekom 19. stoljeća ...doživio procvat i koji je mogao zbog svog brzog tempa izlaženja daleko bolje pratiti ubrzanu produkciju knjiga i časopisa nego knjižarski katalozi u kojima su se do tada uglavnom objavljivale vijesti o novitetima na knjižnom tržištu. Cilj je rada pokazati u kojoj su mjeri i na koji način tiskari, nakladnici i knjižari, ali i sami autori, novine koristili u svrhu oglašavanja svojih proizvoda.
Metodologija. Identificirani knjižarski oglasi analiziraju se s kvantitativne (učestalost pojavljivanja oglasa kroz godine), grafičke (grafičko oblikovanje oglasa) i formalno-sadržajne strane (vrste bibliografskih informacija koje se donose u oglasima).
Rezultati. Zaključuje se da su knjižarski oglasi dijelom na tragu suvremenog načina oglašavanja knjiga jer se, uz naslov i autora, često donose i podaci o sadržaju knjiga. Međutim činjenica da u velikom broju oglasa nedostaju važne informacije kao što su nakladnik ili cijena, kao i prilično skromno grafičko oblikovanje oglasa, ukazuje na još uvijek nedovoljnu pripremljenost nakladnika i knjižara na takav vid knjižarskog oglašavanja.
Originalnost. Rad na metodološki inovativan način ukazuje na to da je knjižarsko oglašavanje u novinama u 19. stoljeću ipak bilo nesumnjivo prepoznato te se brzo ra- zvijalo, osobito od 1850-ih i 1860-ih godina, kada dolazi do ubrzanog razvoja ne samo tiskarske produkcije nego i knjižarstva.
Personalizacija oglasa postaje dominantna promotivna taktika koja se dodatno poboljšava primjenom novih tehnologija. Veća učinkovitost glavni je cilj takvog pristupa oglašavanju koji može uzrokovati ...i pojavu takozvanog „paradoksa privatnosti“ te time izazvati negativne reakcije potrošača u smislu izbjegavanja takvih oglasa. Ovaj rad istražuje čimbenike koji utječu na izbjegavanje personaliziranih oglasa komuniciranih putem društvene mreže Facebook. U okviru istraživačkog modela razmatra se utjecaj percipirane personalizacije, percipirane iritacije i percipirane zabrinutosti za privatnost na skepticizam prema oglasima i njihovom izbjegavanju. Provedeno je empirijsko istraživanje nad podacima prikupljenih putem mobilnih aplikacija Facebook i WhatsApp. U skladu s dobivenim rezultatima, utvrđeno je da ne postoji negativan utjecaj percipirane personalizacije na skepticizam prema oglasima dok postoji prema njihovom izbjegavanju. Izravni pozitivni utjecaj percipirane zabrinutosti za privatnost na skepticizam i izbjegavanje oglasa nije utvrđen. Utvrđeno je da pozitivan utjecaj percipirane iritacije oglasa na skepticizam ne postoji ali postoji vrlo jak utjecaj te varijable na izbjegavanje oglasa. Također, utvrđeno je da skepticizam prema personaliziranim oglasima nema pozitivan utjecaj na izbjegavanje personaliziranih oglasa. Osim novih spoznaja, rezultati ovog rada mogu biti korisni u osmišljavanju i provedbi promotivnih kampanja putem društvenih medija.
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CEKLJ, NUK, ODKLJ, UL, UM, UPUK
The paper focuses on illustrated advertisements that appeared in Croatian print media in two different historical periods and socio-economic systems, namely, the interwar period when Croatia formed ...part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of Yugoslavia) and the communist period when it was a constituent of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. The advertisements of the interwar period represented products of the Georg Schicht factory, founded in 1921 in Zagreb. In 1928, the company merged with the Dutch company Margarine Unie and in 1930 formed part of Unilever, the world’s largest multinational company in the oils and fats business. After the Second World War and the process of nationalisation, the production of cleaning and washing products and toiletries in Croatia was continued by Saponia Osijek, which grew out of Georg Schicht and was managed by its employees collectively, which was at the time congruent with the state’s politics and philosophy of self-governing socialism. Taking different socio-economic circumstances of these two period as the backdrop for a discursive analysis of ads, the paper aims to show the construction of gender that is based upon meanings arising from primarily visual elements in the ads, though in a mutual relationship with the accompanying text.
The meanings that were detected taking shape in this relationship and set against findings from the literature, revealed three dominant tendencies in the communicative work of the ads, which to a bigger or lesser extent characterize both periods. The first tendency carries overtones of social equality most noticeable in the decade following the world wars when social promises or, rather, suggestions of emancipation arose from women’s involvement in the labour market. In the years of peace, the newly received economic and social purpose presented an opportunity for self-realisation to all the women who saw themselves in opposition to the traditionally defined roles. Depicted in loose and shorter clothes or partaking in activities in which it would be unimaginable to see women before the First World War (Fig 1), modern ladies enjoyed the social image of free individuality and modernity, a chance to be present in the public life and spending leisure time daily or nightly without being supervised by mothers or chaperones. In somewhat different context after the World War II, Yugoslav women were actively involved in the formation of the socialist state. Yugoslavia was on a mission to implement (though declaratively) the idea of equality. Class differences disappeared (at least seemingly), and a multitude of identities built in the ads were used to form meta-narratives of modern social values and progress. The prerogative of a collective construction of the socialist state resulted in an improved social status of women – political and health security rights, right to work, receive education and make personal decisions regarding childbearing (Ramet 1999). Depiction of social identities in socialist commercials were much more numerous than in the previous period. Their societal roles were based on their life in a classless society. The transformation from peasants or female partisans into workers at an office or wives shown in everyday situations, such as family holidays, trips to the coast and the like, was not only possible but also desirable. It occurred in socialism within the context of new female consumers, equal to mens, who contributes to social development (Fig. 5). Normativity and instruction represent the tendency that made women, more or less subtly, adopt a proper and appropriate conduct in both public and private spheres. The biggest part of the interwar social circles believed that an entire generation of self-confident women had been corrupt with a “dangerous” combination of independently earned money, unsupervised leisure time and decadent Hollywood films. A collective presence of liberated women therefore needed to be erased from the public life. The period after the First World War gave birth to the fear of female masculinisation due to their public work-related status, as well as the fear that women might take over the title of breadwinner, which would have disturbed the “natural” state of gender roles (Thébaud, 1994). For that reason, women had to be taken back to the household and their social role fixed within domestic work, which was considered as an integral part of the national economy, and not merely as belonging to the sphere of private life. Equating women with domestic work, consumerism and control over the household budget was present almost in all western media in the interwar period (Brown, 1981., Pumphrey, 1987., Roberts, 1988., Felski, 1995., Macdonald, 2004., Giles, 2007., Stanley, 2008). In addition to self-directed learning about how to become modern consumers, women received free instructions on proper gender roles, which were imposed by the traditional, patriarchal and nationalistic groups through various media from the 1920s on (Fig. 4). In the post-war Yugoslavia, the Communist Party insisted upon gender equality by propagating it in media but there was nevertheless a ring of ambiguity to the efforts of emancipation. That can be attested by the words of the leading Yugoslav politician and sociologist Stipe Šuvar: „Our ideal is to make women architects of society on an equal footing as men. Women›s contribution to social development is much stronger than merely having women in decision-making positions“ (Ramet 1999:90). These words can be interpreted as a manifestation of the Marxist concept of unpaid domestic work that served as the basis of the society and the economic system although it was never given any financial or mental reward (Ramet 1990). However, they can also be interpreted as a certain type of ambivalence of the socialist system, since despite all its reliance on the repertoire of modernisation, progress and equality, the position of women in the context of family life, and especially cleaning and maintaining the household, did not change at all (Fig. 7). The third tendency, abstraction and objectification entails the depiction of women primarily as objects to be seen, which originated in the images of beautiful and delightful modern women of the interwar ads (Fig.2, 3), and developed in the late 20th century into women being presented as symbols, deprived of any socio-cultural context. Mass media enabled the distribution of the image of New Women by encouraging consumerism but also by promoting the new image of a liberated woman – the one who had to tone down her excessively assertive wishes for personal freedom, economic independence and the style of life heretofore reserved for men. However, they were merely seemingly freed from the shackles of past because they were allowed only so much emancipation as was socially acceptable. A combination of visual ads, fashion pages and front pages of illustrated magazines suggested a clear difference between the past and the present, constantly using the female body for the articulation of modernity. In such a visual, but also textual discourse, female individuality is based more on the needs of production and consumption than women’s real needs. Even though the visual vocabulary has no ties with family life and domestic work, a young, delightful woman was nevertheless associated with a box of soap or washing powder only because she is a woman. Claims that sexualized depictions of women changed from early to late 20th-century ads reflect the view that there was a shift from a relatively innocent representation to overtly sexually attractive women (Sivulka 2003). The principle was, nevertheless, the same: visual and textual abstraction from a living context and reduction to the body, which was according to Baudrillard transformed in advertising into an instrument, or a code, for the purposes of production and consumption (Baudrillard 1998). Advertisers recognized that using desire to attract the opposite sex was a more effective selling strategy than a discourse on technical features of a washing powder such as that, for example, it safeguards against skin irritation (Fig. 6). Sex was a powerful and increasingly frequent ingredient in ads ever since the 1920s, but from the 1960s, the (beautiful) female body served not only a means of reaching success on the “marriage market”. Rather, it became a privileged vehicle of beauty, sexuality and managed narcissism, and something that, supposedly, all women wanted to achieve. Images of beautiful women grew into a powerful symbol of identification (Goldman 1992). From the late 1960s, and the introduction of the socialist programme more open to market capitalism, Croatian (Yugoslav) ads for cleaning and washing products became increasingly more similar to their western counterparts. The manner in which women were represented from that period on – as (sexualized) bodies or protagonists of family tableaux – followed the path of the western tradition that wanted to place women back into the household or have a free-thinking women participating in the labour market and equalling their appearance with male independence.
What occurred in little more than fifty years of ads for cleaning products and toiletries in Croatian print media, from the 1920s to the 19970s, can be summed up as a process of reducing the identities of women to the care about the husband and children on the one hand, and a sexually liberated and appealing object on the other. Whatever promises of social equality existed, or were implied through the ads, were never, in fact, realized fully in society.
Rad se bavi jezikom procjene stavova i njegovim pojavljivanjem u tekstovima 200 nasumično odabranih suvremenih tiskanih oglasa iz britanskih časopisa pretežno usmjerenih prema ženskom čitateljstvu. U ...svrhu ove analize, primjenjen je diskursno-semantički model procjene Martina i Whitea (2005), koji raščlanjuje stav kao jedan od tri glavna glavna sredstva stvaranja značenja na afekt, procjenu i poštovanje. U radu se predstavljaju rezultati čestote pojavljivanja izravno i neizravno iznesenih stavova u reklamnim oglasima i raspravlja se o osobinama nekih odabira pri iznošenju stavova, uključujući način njihova odražavanja, kategorizaciju im status i društveni učinak. Ne zanima nas samo jezik kojim se eksplicitno kodiraju stavovi, nego i jezični potencijal za poticanje stavova. Rezultati pokazuju da se višestruko stvaranje stavova i ogroman potencijal jezika reklamiranja da ih potakne, često kreativnom uporabom jezika, može okarakterizirati kao tipična osobina jezika reklamiranja. Tvrdim da su i eksplicitni i implicitni stavovi jedan od ključnih elemenata za uspostavljanje vrijednosti, normi i veza sudionika u komunikaciji, što čini jezik izricanja stavova društveno važnim. Također pokušavam opravdati kodiranje stavova na temelju konteksta i ko-teksta. Po sistemsko-funkcionalnoj gramatici, kontekst igra važnu ulogu pri interpretaciji teksta te je, budući da procjena ispunjava interpersonalnu funkciju jezika, priznavanje konteksta pri interpretaciji procjena od ključne važnosti.
The Yugoslav factory of Georg Schicht was founded in 1921 in Zagreb as part of Schichts concern which produced and sold toiletries mostly in Central European countries. In 1928 the company merged ...with a Dutch company Margarine Unie and in 1930 formed part of Unilever, the world's largest multinational company in the oils and fats business. Socio-economic aspects of three laundry products by the Georg Schicht Company - the Jelen and Lux soaps and the Radion laundry powder - have been explored in this paper through their advertisements published in newspapers and magazines in the period between the two world wars. Appearing regularly in the print media popular with the Osijek readership, Schichts ads on the one hand witnessed to the socio-political, economic and cultural climate of Osijek and Croatia within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and, on the other hand, facilitated discursive construction of social and economic identities of women. They caused and reflected developments which led to a change from the traditional society based on agriculture to corporate capitalism, mass production and consumption, bringing Croatia and Osijek into line with the contemporary European and global trends.
A general turn towards a new marketing principle to advertising through consumption enticement based on non-rational or symbolic grounding occurred in the mid-1920s. The development of a new way of thinking about commercial persuasion went hand in hand with changes in the print media caused by the use photography and art which allowed for innovation in the associational dimension and argumentation. Images shown on ads attempted to present less the performance of the very product and more the qualities desired, or considered desirous, by consumers, such as state, glamour, happy families.
Forming part of modern social communication, advertisements for Schichfs laundry product show those products as part of wider social goals and processes by forming social and individual meanings associated with the material characteristics of the products. Characterized by their reliance on social resources in constructing messages as well as the introduction of illustrations with their ability to communicate those message at a glace the ads belong to the second stage of advertising - the symbolic product - the stage which adopts strategies that shape social motivation for consumption. In contrast to contemporary advertising practices and resulting ads which require considerable interpretation skills, these ads show a direct correlation between the text and images. The text in effect explains the image to the extent that it is a verbal translation of the picture, or vice versa. It assumes a role of interpreter of illustrations and a certain educational role in teaching people visual language and thereby the language of advertising messages.
Schichts products dominated over the Osijek print media during the 1920s and 1930s period through forceful advertising campaigns. Ads for the three products analysed in this paper demonstrate the ways in which advertising reflected as much as helped shape gender ideology in the public media space.
With its visual and textual elements, each of the ads represents particular social group and relies on their aspirations, especially those traditionally seen to belong to women. The traditional feminine categories have for a long time been shaped by popular ideology through strategies devised to consolidate consumer society with the help of mass media. Popular images of women and femininity defined by commodities reinforced womens role in mass consumption, and their roles of mothers and/or housewives. Women were on the one hand seen as acquiring fixed meanings primarily related to family functions in an effort to reinstate the traditional divide of gender roles in the post-war society. On the other hand, consumer society which laid the foundation of modernity, provided women access to the public domain, the real one at department stores, and the discursive one in the mass media, presenting them as modern participants in the social and economic developments. The duality present in the discursive construction of female identities is discernible in the ads for the Schicts products explored in this paper. Advertisements for the Jelen soap were marked with national, traditional ethnographic features and the predominant message of womens role in the household economy by their wise choice of this cost-effective and efficient product. The private sphere of home was also underlined by the ads for Radion which defined women as proper wives and mothers whose free time saved by the product is invested in the care of the home and its members. Conversely, ads for Lux brought an alternative to the domesticity-laden messages of the two previous products. They showed new women as independent and self-indulgent individuals. By comparing social groups at whom the ads and their communicative methods were directed, it can be concluded that the ads for the Jelen soap was designed to target low classes, including rural population, the Radion detergent ads were aimed at bourgeois families whose prerogative was family happiness rather than saving, while the Lux soap ads were intended for consumers of higher financial standing by their very promotion of the product for expensive clothing materials.
In the turning point of advertising, that of shifting to an organized field of market studies and laying the foundation of todays persuasion practices, Schicht’s advertising machinery reflected the general Western European industrialisation and consumption trends in the interwar period but was also adapted to the local circumstances, its particular social, economic, and political characteristics.
U radu se obrađuju oglasi u češkim manjinskim novinama (Český list, Československé listy, Hlas, Jugoslávští Čechoslováci), koje su na prostoru Hrvatske i Slavonije izlazile od 1911. do 1929. godine. ...Osim što oglasi nadopunjuju sadržaj čeških novina, a time i cjelokupnu sliku života češke manjine, kroz njih se mogu pratiti i promjene u gospodarskom životu Hrvatske u dvije državne tvorevine, u Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji i Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. Prilikom njihove obrade poseban je naglasak stavljen na oglase vezane uz ponudu i potražnju radnih mjesta, kao pokazatelja promjena u obrazovnoj i socijalnoj strukturi kako na hrvatskom prostoru tako i češke manjine.
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