Throughout the history of Romania, political decisions, socio-economic measures, and cultural (traditional) characters have affected the implementation of environment friendly techniques (EFTs) ...policies. In the context of this paper, EFTs can be defined as solutions for the use of land resources aiming the increasing of goods for meeting the changing human needs and with neutral or positive environmental impact. Changes in the political regime have always had a visible impact on the EFTs issue in Romania. EFTs has gone through several major phases. The political impact on EFTs implementation mainly affected sustainable land management (SLM) and to a small extent, at the end of the communist era and partly during the capitalist period, climate change mitigation. Throughout history, the political factor has dominated and influenced the capacity of the EFTs implementation process in responding to socio-economic stimuli. In addition, quality of life, rural-urban and urban-rural migrations, poverty, education level, and climate change adaptation have had impacts on the status of EFTs according to governance and political reflections. The agrarian reforms from the last two centuries, based on socio-economic demands, have strongly influenced the capacity to implement EFTs both positively and negatively. However, the cultural factor was least affected by political and socio-economic changes as a stability factor in ensuring continued implementation of the EFTs. Currently, there is a strong need to reconsider EFTs as sustainability tools for Romanian agriculture that can cope with climate change and sustainable land management (SLM) demands. This paper presents a brief history of EFTs in Romania and their benefits in achieving SLM equilibrium, describing the impacts of political decisions, socio-economic measures, and cultural features on implementing ETFs policies.
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•Climate change is evident in Romania, particularly increasing number and intensity of extreme climate events•Environment friendly techniques (EFTs) are sustainable tools to cope with climate change effects•In past eras, Romania implemented successful EFTs for soil erosion and drought•Political, socio-economic and cultural aspects impact EFTs policies with negative effects in Romania•Re-focusing on EFTs is dependent on cultural and financial aspects.
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GEOZS, IJS, IMTLJ, KILJ, KISLJ, NLZOH, NUK, OILJ, PNG, SAZU, SBCE, SBJE, UILJ, UL, UM, UPCLJ, UPUK, ZAGLJ, ZRSKP
The article presents the transformation of special services in Poland against the background of political changes. It presents the activities of security bodies – civil and military intelligence and ...counterintelligence during the communist era. Their task was to strengthen communist power, eliminate opponents of the system, strengthen the alliance of socialist countries led by the USSR, and fight against democratic opposition. The creation of new special services was also shown: the UOP and the WSI. The focus was on the new tasks that were set for them in connection with the democratic changes and new alliances. There were presented spectacular UOP actions, which contributed to raising the prestige of Poland on the international arena.
The study synthesizes the most important events and transformations that
marked Moldovan society in 1989 and its future developments. The study’s
primary aim is to highlight the most important events ...from 1989 that led the
Moldovan society towards obtaining the sovereignty and independence of
the Republic of Moldova. At the same time, the study also shows the current
knowledge of the 1989 developments to draw new research perspectives.
Thus, in chronological order, the most critical social, cultural, and political
events that have had long-term effects on Moldovan society are reviewed. The
article analyzes the national emancipation movement’s emergence, activity,
and counter-movements to maintain the Soviet regime. The 1989 events in
the Moldavian SSR resulted from Gorbachev’s reforms (glasnost, perestroika)
and the “revolutions” in the socialist states that succeeded in bringing down the
communist regimes. Starting with cultural demands and rights (the language
and alphabet), people had reached economic and political demands (economic
autonomy, sovereignty, independence). The emergence of alternative political
forces to the Communist Party, their official registration, the legalization of
their meetings, and public manifestations led to the consolidation of the critical
mass opposed to the Communist regime. Changing the language legislation,
returning to the Latin alphabet, and condemning the Molotov-Ribbentrop
Pact are just some of the successes of 1989 that impacted the following
years, resulting, eventually, in the Declaration of Sovereignty of 1990 and the
Declaration of Independence of 1991.
The author writes about political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945 to 1953. After the Second World War, the area of Bijeljina was part of the Tuzla District. Since 1949, Bijeljina ...has been an integral part of the Tuzla region, and since 1952, it has been one of the 66 districts of the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The area of Bijeljina consisted of the District of Bijeljina and the City of Bijeljina. After the Second World War, the new government faced many problems: lack of adequate communication between lower and higher authorities, organization and accommodation of counties, feeding the population, buying grain, sowing, repatriation of refugees, assistance to the disabled, health problems, education, etc. In the 1945 election campaign, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) prevented the participation of civic parties in various ways. The regime spied on its political and ideological opponents. Citizens were afraid that they would be arrested as "enemies of the people" and punished. Numerous opponents of the Popular Front were removed from the voter lists. The first elections in the socialist of Yugoslavia were held on November 11, 1945. In the elections, they voted for the list of the Popular Front and the box without the list ("blank box"). The list of the Popular Front, which also included "verified" members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won convincingly. In the Bijeljina district, 27,018 voters were registered to vote. 25,188 or 93.23% of the total number of registered voters voted. Candidate of the People's Front for the Federal Assembly of the Yugoslavia from the Bijeljina District, dr. Vojislav Kecmanović received 24,419 votes (96.95%), while the box without a list won 769 votes (3.05%). The list of the Popular Front for the Assembly of Peoples of the Yugoslavia was also "convincing" in these elections. The list won 24,457 votes or 97.10% of the total number of voters who went to the polls, while the box without the list won 731 votes or 2.90%. In the total population of Bijeljina, women were more numerous than men and made up 52.24% of the population of the District and 52.29% of the population of the City. Women played an important role in the socio-economic, cultural and educational life of Bijeljina. Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats and members of other nations lived together in the area of Bijeljina, and the number of inhabitants was continuously increasing. In 1948 there were 77,482 inhabitants and in 1953, 86,865 inhabitants which was an increase of 9,383 persons or 11.49%. Serbs made up the majority in Bijeljina County (80%) and Bosniaks in Grad (52%). He is in Bijeljina, in 1948, there were 51,031 persons or 65.86% of the population without education, 24,160 persons or 31.18% with completed primary school, and 1,649 persons or 2.13% of the population with lower secondary school. 565 persons or 0.73% had completed secondary school, and 73 persons or 0.09% of the population of Bijeljina had completed college and university. There were 32,522 women or 63.73% of the total number of persons without education and 18,509 men or 36.27% without education. In addition, the literacy of the population was at a very low level. As many as 22,139 or 37.76% of people over the age of nine were illiterate. In the area of Bijeljina, in the period 1945-1953. year, the number of primary schools increased from 34, 1946, to 53, 1953. In addition to primary schools, there were other schools: Teacher's, Gymnasium, Agricultural High School. With such a population structure in Bijeljina, the reconstruction and the first five-year plan were carried out very ambitiously. Significant economic changes were made in this period (1945-1953). These changes are visible in the field of crafts, trade, catering, agriculture.
이 연구의 목적은 엘리트 집단 교체와 헌법개정을 통한 권력 구조 개편을 중심으로 2022년 카자흐스탄 정치변동의 내용을 분석하고 의미를 규정하는 데 있다. 비제도적 권력 기반인 엘리트 집단의 교체와 제도적 권력 기반인 헌법의 개정을 통한 권력구조 개편이라는 두 가지 핵심 변수에 초점을 맞추어, 2022년 카자흐스탄 정치변동의 내용을 분석한 결과는 다음과 ...같다. 첫째, 2022년 카자흐스탄 시위 이후 이루어진 엘리트 집단 교체는 친나자르바예프계 인사를 ‘탈나자르바예프화’에 동의하는 친토카예프계 인사로 단순히 교체하는 데 그쳤다. 둘째, 2022년 카자흐스탄 시위 이후 이루어진 헌법개정은 이전과 같이 대통령에 대한 권력 집중을 해소하지 못한 부분적인 권력 구조 개편에 불과했다.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the contents and define the meaning of political changes in Kazakhstan in 2022, focusing on the change of elite groups and the reorganization of the power structure through constitutional revision. Focusing on two key variables: the replacement of elite groups, which are non-institutional power bases, and the reform of power structure through the revision of the Constitution, which is an institutional power base, the results of analyzing the political changes in Kazakhstan in 2022 are as follows. First, the elite group change after the 2022 Kazakh protests only replaced pro-Nazarbayev figures with pro-Tokaev figures who agreed to “De-Nazarbayevification.” Second, the constitutional revision made after the 2022 Kazakh protests was only a partial power structure reform that failed to resolve the concentration of power over the president as before.
The article describes political changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe that are members of the European Union against the background of the global condition of democracy. The frame of ...reference are selected results of the Economist Democracy Index 2020 report examining the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on political changes in the world, considering some conclusions from the previous publications of the ranking. The theoretical premises and methodology of the Democracy Index are presented, including the typology of political systems as a tool for classifying the countries covered by the study into one of the four types of the systems compared: full democracy, flawed democracy, hybrid regime and authoritarian regime. The strengths and weaknesses of the Democracy Index have characterized as well as the symptoms of the global decline of democracy. Changes in the values of the Index indicators in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe between 2006 and 2020 are analysed. The summary shows the ambivalence of the directions of political changes in the region.
Sweden has an ambitious plan to fully decarbonise district heating by 2030 and to contribute with negative emissions of greenhouse gases in 2050. The vagaries of the energy market associated with ...climate, political, and social changes entail cross-sectoral integration that can fulfill these national targets. Fifth-generation district heating and cooling (5GDHC) is a relatively new concept of district energy systems that features a simultaneous supply of heating and cooling using power-to-heat technologies. This paper presents best practices for developing 5GDHC systems in Sweden to reach a consensus view on these systems among all stakeholders. A mixed-method combining best practice and roadmapping workshops has been used to disseminate mixed knowledge and experience from middle agents representing industry professionals and practitioners. Four successful implementations of 5GDHC systems are demonstrated and the important learned lessons are shared. The best practices are outlined for system planning, system modeling and simulation, prevailing business models for energy communities, and system monitoring. A roadmap from the middle agents’ point of view is composed and can be utilised to establish industry standards and common regulatory frameworks.
•Middle agents interact with all stakeholders and can induce a sociotechnical change.•A roadmap is delineated by system planners, DH companies, and HP experts.•Four different technical solutions for the shared energy concept are demonstrated.•Best practices for system planning, modeling, ownership, and monitoring are proposed.•Four topics for future development of 5GDHC systems are identified.
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GEOZS, IJS, IMTLJ, KILJ, KISLJ, NLZOH, NUK, OILJ, PNG, SAZU, SBCE, SBJE, UILJ, UL, UM, UPCLJ, UPUK, ZAGLJ, ZRSKP
Do shifts in material culture instigate administrative change,
or is it the shifting political winds that affect material culture?
This is the central question that Shlomit Bechar addresses in this
...book, taking the transition from the Middle to Late Bronze Age
(seventeenth-fourteenth centuries BCE) in northern Canaan as a test
case.
Combining archaeological and historical analysis, Bechar
identifies the most significant changes evident in architectural
and ceramic remains from this period and then explores how and why
contemporary political shifts may have influenced, or been
influenced by, these developments. Bechar persuasively argues that
the Egyptian conquest of the southern Levant-enabled by local
economic decline following the expulsion of the Hyksos and the fall
of northern Syrian cities-was the impetus for these changes in
ceramics and architecture. Using a macro-typological approach to
examine the ceramic assemblages, she also discusses the impact of
the influx of Aegean imports, suggesting that while "attached
specialists" were primarily responsible for ceramic production in
the Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze Age ceramics were increasingly
made by "independent specialists," another important result of the
new administrative system created following Thutmose III's
campaign.
An important contribution to our understanding of the transition
between the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, this original and
insightful book will appeal to specialists in the Bronze Age
Levant, especially those interested in using ceramic assemblages to
examine social and political change.