Osvrt na osvrt: o jezičnoj politici i objektivnosti Ranko Matasović (2019), recenzija knjige: Anðel Starčević, Mate Kapović & Daliborka Sarić 2019, Jeziku je svejedno, Sandorf, Zagreb Suvremena ...lingvistika 45/88: 279-284.
Incivility in public discourse has become a pressing concern of citizens and scholars alike, but most research has focused narrowly on incivility in elite discourse. The present study examines how ...the lay public perceives incivility, using two surveys to track differences in perceptions of specific types of uncivil speech and identify predictors of those perceptions. The results show that different types of incivility elicit different responses. In particular, name-calling and vulgarity were rated as more uncivil than were other speech acts. In addition, several demographic, personality, and news consumption variables were analyzed as predictors of incivility perceptions.
Full text
Available for:
NUK, OILJ, SAZU, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
El cuatro de junio de 2021 comenzó el trabajo de la Convención Constituyente (CC) chilena (2021-2022) con la participación de siete representantes del pueblo mapuche. Por primera vez, el pueblo ...originario más numeroso del territorio chileno participaba en un órgano colegiado con una representación significativa. De esta forma, el pueblo mapuche emerge como nuevo actor político en un escenario también único y original (Ojeda-Pereira, 2022; Padilla, Rodríguez & Espinosa, 2022). Estas circunstancias nos brindan la oportunidad de estudiar la construcción discursiva de la imagen pública de este pueblo originario en la voz de sus propios representantes. El eje de esta indagación es la noción de ethos colectivo, entendida como la imagen identitaria construida por el enunciador en su discurso (Orkibi, 2008; Amossy, 2018), la que se analiza en los discursos de apertura, emitidos por cada uno de los convencionales. En tal sentido nos preguntamos: ¿Cómo se construye el ethos colectivo del pueblo mapuche en los discursos de apertura de sus representantes? La investigación se realizó desde la perspectiva semiodiscursiva del análisis del discurso (Charaudeau, 2003, 2006, 2021) sobre los siete discursos emitidos por los convencionales constituyentes mapuches en el marco del trabajo de la CC. En los discursos de apertura se ha construido un ethos colectivo homogéneo y, en algún sentido, una imagen idealizada del pueblo mapuche, que se ha puesto al servicio de la legitimación de las demandas históricas frente al trabajo constitucional. Al mismo tiempo, observamos que esta imagen se distancia, por una parte, del pueblo mapuche que se reconoce mestizo y, por otra, de la población chilena que ve en el pueblo mapuche su propio origen.
With more than 3 billion users, online social networks represent an important venue for moral and political discourse and have been used to organize political revolutions, influence elections, and ...raise awareness of social issues. These examples rely on a common process to be effective: the ability to engage users and spread moralized content through online networks. Here, we review evidence that expressions of moral emotion play an important role in the spread of moralized content (a phenomenon we call moral contagion). Next, we propose a psychological model called the motivation, attention, and design (MAD) model to explain moral contagion. The MAD model posits that people have group-identity-based motivations to share moral-emotional content, that such content is especially likely to capture our attention, and that the design of social-media platforms amplifies our natural motivational and cognitive tendencies to spread such content. We review each component of the model (as well as interactions between components) and raise several novel, testable hypotheses that can spark progress on the scientific investigation of civic engagement and activism, political polarization, propaganda and disinformation, and other moralized behaviors in the digital age.
Full text
Available for:
NUK, OILJ, SAZU, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
This research primarily examines the first-person personal pronouns in political discourse, political speech in particular. This research aims to reveal how the pronoun I and we are exploited by the ...politician for the specific intention in political discourse. This research contextually investigates those personal pronouns and their inflectional forms based on the critical discourse analysis perspective, revealing the function and the purpose of producing a particular and an intentional personal pronoun to refer to specific addressee(s). That linguistic strategy in political context indicate the social and political relation between the speaker and the referents. The data in this research were taken from the script of Biden’s inaugural speech given in 2021. From 224 first-person personal pronouns, Biden produced the pronoun I and its inflectional forms 63 times or 28,1% and the pronoun we and its inflectional forms 161 times or 71,9 in percentage. Even though the plural form was identified as the most first-person personal pronoun produced by Biden, the occurrence of the pronoun we and its inflectional forms excluded Kamala Harris as his vice president. Biden exploited the first-person singular personal pronoun to express his gratitude, quality, positive image and persuasively to ingratiate the citizens. On the other hand, Biden expressed the pronoun we and its inflectional forms to establish a sense of national unity, togetherness to confront the challenges, and sharing responsibility. Personal pronouns no longer deal with language structure analysis only, but they are also employed to persuasively affect socio-political position, especially in a political context.
This study investigates how reframing strategies and linguistic aspects are employed to legitimize and normalize ideologically loaded narratives introduced by the Yemeni internationally recognized ...government (YIRG), with a particular focus on the impact of dominant ideologies and the translator's political and social affiliations on the target texts. Combining frameworks from different fields, the study draws upon Baker's (2006) narrative theory and Jeffrie's (2010) model of critical stylistics to provide a comprehensive understanding of the translation process and its management during conflict. Analyzing English-language materials translated into Arabic, the study utilizes source English materials, including news, reports, and opinions, from Western media outlets. The corresponding Arabic translations are drawn from media belonging to the YIRG. The study concludes that the YIRG's dominant ideology significantly constrains the political translation process during the conflict. This ideology is reflected in the reframing of narratives to align with the adopted ideology, encompassing the repositioning and labeling of participants according to the prevailing ideology. Moreover, textual choices, grammatical and semantic, influence the translator's representation of events, word choice, and pragmatic references to the opposing party through deictic expressions.
Conspiracy theories are abundant in social and political discourse, with serious consequences for individuals, groups, and societies. However, psychological scientists have started paying close ...attention to them only in the past 20 years. We review the spectacular progress that has since been made and some of the limitations of research so far, and we consider the prospects for further progress. To this end, we take a step back to analyze the defining features that make conspiracy theories different in kind from other beliefs and different in degree from each other. We consider how these features determine the adoption, consequences, and transmission of belief in conspiracy theories, even though their role as causal or moderating variables has seldom been examined. We therefore advocate for a research agenda in the study of conspiracy theories that starts-as is routine in fields such as virology and toxicology-with a robust descriptive analysis of the ontology of the entity at its center.
Full text
Available for:
CMK, FFLJ, NUK, UL, UM, UPUK
In recent years, an upsurge of polarization has been a salient feature of political discourse in America. A small but growing body of research has examined the potential relevance of intellectual ...humility (IH) to political polarization. In the present investigation, we extend this work to political myside bias, testing the hypothesis that IH is associated with less bias in two community samples (N1 = 498; N2 = 477). In line with our expectations, measures of IH were negatively correlated with political myside bias across paradigms, political topics, and samples. These relations were robust to controlling for humility. We also examined ideological asymmetries in the relations between IH and political myside bias, finding that IH–bias relations were statistically equivalent in members of the political left and right. Notwithstanding important limitations and caveats, these data establish IH as one of a small handful psychological features known to predict less political myside bias.
Full text
Available for:
NUK, OILJ, SAZU, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
PDF
