On Wednesday, the 24th of April, the European Parliament will vote on a reform of the Schengen Border Code (SBC). The reform appears to institutionalize existing patterns of denying access to rights ...for people on the move by introducing “transfer-procedures”. Expulsions without procedural safeguards have become common practice at internal borders throughout the EU. The proposed regulation raises concerns over its unclear resolution of potential conflict with EU secondary and primary law, particularly its incompatibility with children’s rights standards, and its application in practice.
Volodymyr Zelensky, the Prime Minister of Finland and others have been calling for an EU-wide ban of Russian citizens from Schengen visas. Unquestionably, the horrible crimes perpetrated by the ...Russian state should be punished. But Russians are citizens of a totalitarian state, they are not Putin. And whether we like it or not, there is no legal way under current EU law to adopt a blanket citizenship-based ban against Russians acquiring Schengen visas. Even more: political attention paid to it by persons in leadership positions is deeply surprising, if not irresponsible.
Das Ende von Schengen? Anna Katharina Mangold; Anna Kompatscher
Verfassungsblog,
02/2023
2366-7044
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
Anfang Januar gab es ein Jubiläum an der deutsch-dänischen Grenze: zum siebten Mal jährte sich die Wiedereinführung der Grenzkontrollen durch Dänemarks. In einem Gutachten im Auftrag von MEP Rasmus ...Andresen und der grünen Fraktion im EU-Parlament haben wir untersucht, ob Dänemark die Wiedereinführung und Aufrechterhaltung von Grenzkontrollen rechtfertigen kann. Auch Österreich, Frankreich, Deutschland, Norwegen und Schweden führten Grenzkontrollen seit 2016 wieder ein. Diese Staaten legen die Axt an die Freizügigkeit im EU-Binnenraum.
U radu se analizira uloga Republike Hrvatske u kompleksnom sustavu mehanizama kontrole prelaska osoba preko unutarnjih granica Europske unije kao i u nadzoru i kontroli na vanjskim granicama.
...Razmatra se pozicija Republike Hrvatske u području zaštite vanjske granice po ulasku u Schengenski prostor. Objašnjavaju se mehanizmi zaštite kao i mjere koje su uvedene od strane europskih institucija
po hitnom postupku nakon velike migrantske krize 2015. i 2016. godine te niza terorističkih napada u samom srcu Europe a koji su narušili temeljne vrijednosti europskog zajedništva i unijeli nesigurnost u
živote europskih građana. Pojašnjavaju se i problemi uvođenja takvih hitnih mjera, prvenstveno mjera privremene kontrole na unutarnjim granicama Europske unije. Preispituje se njihova utemeljenost s
obzirom na opća načela pravnog sustava Europske unije. Daje se osvrt i na uočene strukturne nedostatke u upravljanju vanjskom granicom Unije.
U radu se prikazuju i konkretne mjere, tijela i mehanizmi Europske unije koji služe zaštiti vanjskih granica Europske unije ali i funkcioniranju jedinstvenog tržišta EU-a.
The European Union has gone through major crises of its two flagship integration projects of the 1990s: the euro and Schengen. Both crises had structurally similar causes and beginnings: exogenous ...shocks exposed the functional shortcomings of both integration projects and produced sharp distributional conflict among governments, as well as an unprecedented politicization of European integration in member state societies. Yet they have resulted in significantly different outcomes: whereas the euro crisis has brought about a major deepening of integration, the Schengen crisis has not. I put forward a neofunctionalist explanation of these different outcomes, which emphasizes variation in transnational interdependence and supranational capacity across the two policy areas.
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Recently, politicians in different EU countries have suggested barring Russian tourists from visiting the EU. Such a ban would be in retaliation for the war waged by Russia against Ukraine. From a ...legal perspective, these suggestions raise the interesting question whether such a blanket ban would be lawful. From a legal perspective, the question is precisely whether there is a possibility to amend the existing acquis, in order to ban Russians from obtaining short term visas for the purpose of visiting Europe as tourists. It seems hardly tenable to argue that the EU (secondary) legislature is somehow bound by the ratio legis of the current Schengen visa system.
(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1663-1678 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. Primary law: migration management and its limits. ...– III. Secondary legislation: enhanced protection of migrants’ rights. - III.1. Enhancing the rights of migrants – III.2. Promotion of State interests. - IV. Asylum policy: reform failure and circumvention. – IV.1. “Pushbacks” as an extreme form of non-compliance. - IV.2. Continuity of “organised hypocrisy” over time. – V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) EU primary law reaffirms that States have the right to control the entry and stay of non-nationals, but it also entrusts the legislature with deciding, within the confines of human rights, how open or closed the external borders shall be. The ensuing tension between protection and state control is deeply engrained in the history and presence of European migration law. Supranational legislation often establishes a higher level of protection than human rights in the form of individual rights to legal entry or stay; these statutory guarantees considerably curtail the room for manoeuvre of the Member States, albeit on the basis of their “voluntary” consent. At the same time, EU migration law and policy can increase the practical leverage of States by means of inter-state cooperation. These contrasting dynamics coalesce in the contemporary debate about asylum policy. Protective elements exist, but several Member States violate their obligations, notably in the external border control context (“pushbacks”). While such instances of open resistance are unprecedented, they build on a history of half-hearted commitment ever since the signature of the Refugee Convention. EU migration law comprises reasonably generous domestic legislation and contributes to reducing the numbers of arrival at the same time, in particular via cooperation with third states such as Tunisia, Turkey, or Morocco, thus reiterating the simultaneity of “rescuing” and “taming” the nation-state.
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9.
Putinism is Contagious Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov; Suryapratim Roy
Verfassungsblog,
08/2022
2366-7044
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
As Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine continues, EU Member States are contemplating new sanctions, including Schengen visa bans for Russian citizens. The underlying rationale is the WWI ‘enemy alien’ ...logic, where all Russian civilians are enemy aliens, and must be treated with suspicion. This populist construction of an ‘enemy alien’ is antithetical to the EU’s constitutional core, which also informs its visa and migration law. The populist retributive logic, to us, is a stress-test of the rule of law in the EU. It’s good news that, outside Estonia and Latvia, it seems to be holding strong in other Member States.
