ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) as a regional cooperation association has a significant roles on harmonizing the counter terrorism effort in the Southeast Asia region. Based on primary ...and secondary data by using qualitative method, the purpose of this paper is to examine the harmonization of counter terrorism cooperation between ASEAN members. The research found that ASEAN has a set of counter terrorism policies that had been ratified in different times as a form of regional policies harmonization. However in terms of strategic-operational level, the ASEAN’s member states has the authority to tackle terrorism issue on their own with the possibility to establish a cooperation with a non ASEAN member state. In addition, the US also has a significant role in assisting counter terrorism effort for ASEAN’s states members.
How can multilateral liaison be used as a tool to counter state-sponsored terrorism? This article analyses cooperation among 18 Western European intelligence agencies to counter Libyan-Palestinian ...terrorism in Europe in the early 1970s. Two arguments are presented. Concerning Western perceptions of Palestinian-Libyan operations, the article argues that the intelligence reports overestimated Libyan influence over Palestinian actions. Concerning intelligence cooperation, the article argues that intelligence was shared to collectively understand the threat posed by Libya but also to send implicit political messages. The article is based on unprecedented access to records from a multilateral liaison called the Club de Berne.
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Robust decision making (RDM) is a method for aiding decision making under deep uncertainty that uses models not as predictors but as generators of cases exploring assumptions and outcomes. RDM was ...intended for use with formal models. However, we show a model‐less RDM application to a portfolio planning problem (selecting U.S. Army security cooperation activities with a partner country) seeking to achieve several objectives. In the absence of formal models, the analysis tests candidate actions against different explicit statements of causal relationships to allow more systematic reasoning over choices and outcomes. Doing so renders assumptions about complex systems explicit, characterizes uncertainties in terms of effect on weighting policy choices rather than as presently unknowable probabilities, provides a venue for planners and evaluators to share findings and insights, and yields explicit expressions of theories of causation (TOC) that themselves act as formal models where none had previously existed. RDM allows important scenarios for decision planning to be generated analytically. This may address for several scenario applications the question of determining important futures and also how scenario results may be used directly to inform policy and operational decisions.
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FZAB, GIS, IJS, KILJ, NLZOH, NUK, OILJ, SBCE, SBMB, UL, UM, UPUK
This paper uses the balance of power theory to explain Pakistan's quest for balance in the context of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS). Although this strategy aims to achieve the goal of a 'Free and ...Open Indo-Pacific' and focuses on China's rise in the Indo-Pacific region. However, it also has security implications for Pakistan. The question here is; how the Indo-Pacific Strategy affect Pakistan's strategic behavior? We believe that the maritime security cooperation between the United States and India under the framework of IPS strengthens the relative capabilities of the Indian navy, creates a zero-sum situation for Pakistan, and undermines the balance of power that affects Islamabad's strategic behavior. If so, to what degree is Islamabad adopting balancing strategies to counterbalance the risk of Indian aggression or coercion? To what degree is Pakistan pursuing deeper security cooperation with Russia and China in the Indo-Pacific in pursuit of a more stable balance of power? It is pursuing a strategy of internal and external balance. Internally, it is focusing on modernizing the navy, purchasing advanced weapons, and developing strategies related to maritimes security. Externally, it is seeking deeper security cooperation with Russia and China, such as holding joint naval exercises in the Indian Ocean, exchanging naval officials, and signing military cooperation and strategic partnerships to maintain the balance of power.
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This article elucidates the reasons behind South Korea’s diminished security cooperation with Japan during the Moon Jae-in administration (2017–2022). The author discovered that President Moon halted ...ongoing security cooperation activities initiated by his predecessor, even though the North Korean nuclear threat became exponential. In particular, this article argues that not the national-level factors, such as South Koreans’ negative perception of Japan on the basis of their collective memory, but the leader factor was the main reason for the worsening of South Korea–Japan’s security cooperation during the Moon administration, contrary to most people’s expectations. The Moon administration’s progressive political leaders, who had acquired anti-United States/anti-Japan and pro-North Korea/pro-China perspectives during their anti-government protests in the 1970s and 1980s, decided to be confrontational towards Japan to their political benefit. The reality that the security cooperation between South Korea and Japan jumpstarted once the conservative Yoon Suk-yeol administration leaders replaced them supports this finding.
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Discussions on cooperative security strategies in Southeast Asia often mention potential threats such as piracy, illegal fishing, terrorism, island disputes and even the security concerns posed by ...natural disasters. The aforementioned threats are mutual, between not only the ten ASEAN countries but also neighbors, such as Australia and Timor Leste, along with rising and global powers such as China and the United States. However, developing security cooperation even against mutual threats is hindered not only by geographic and monetary restraints but by differences in national ideology, national interests, differing historical perspectives, divergent legal opinions as well as intentional and unintentional misinformation. Using the perspective of a multi-discipline approach to international relations realism and the security dilemma along with highlighting the sources of miscommunication that hinder long-term security cooperation, this paper argues that Indonesia and the US have incorrect and sometimes dangerous perceptions of the other. Differing concepts on national sovereignty, interpretations of international law and the degradation of the rules-based order are all easily manipulated to fuel dangerous misperceptions. Cooperation and sovereignty seem more at odds than ever before. But military cooperation can still be successful using honest assessments that avoid false information and instead pursue sincere engagements.
This article focuses on the security cooperation between China and Turkey and the impact of the 'Belt and Road' and the 'Middle Corridor' Initiatives on bilateral cooperation. The 'Belt and Road' ...Initiative and Turkey's 'Middle Corridor' Initiative have promoted economic cooperation and enhanced communication and mutual understanding between the two countries. We examine this cooperation from a security perspective; with deep analysis on security cooperation between China and Turkey published by the governments, academia and social media, the impact of the 'Belt and Road' and 'Middle Corridor' Initiatives on the growing bilateral relationship has been clearly highlighted. Additionally, this article focuses on the challenges of bilateral security and counter-terrorism cooperation, and the positive impact of security cooperation on Sino-Turkish relations in the wake of the 'Belt and Road' and the 'Middle Corridor' initiatives. This article shows that economic cooperation has a significant impact on security cooperation and the 'Belt and Road' and the 'Middle Corridor' Initiatives may build closer ties between the two countries.
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European security is at a critical juncture and many have called for a more coherent and efficient response, involving both the EU and NATO. However, the primary tool for EU-NATO cooperation, "Berlin ...Plus", has been stuck in a political quagmire since the mid-2000s, making a lot of scholars to conclude that this cooperation is obsolete and outdated. This article is challenging this view by analysing a range of informal but regular interaction patterns that have emerged. Using practice theory, it sheds new light on and explores how EU and NATO staff at all levels engage in informal practices on various sites in headquarters in Brussels and in field operations. A study of EU-NATO cooperation as practice focuses on the everyday, patterned production of security as well as what makes action possible, such as (tacit) practical knowledge and shared "background" knowledge (education, training, and experience). The article also discusses the extent to which shared repertoires of practice may evolve into loose communities of practice that cut across organisational and professional boundaries.
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The European Union (EU) integration project is under attack from a reassertion of national sovereignty following Brexit and the Covid-19 crisis. Our analysis examines the impact that traditional ...forms of sovereignty and national interests will have on the conduct of EU foreign and security policy post-Brexit. We focus on the Brexit challenge to the EU mode of regulation and diplomacy in internal/external policies in Common Foreign and Security Policy, Common Security and Defence Policy, and Justice and Home Affairs. The article also considers key scenarios for future UK-EU security cooperation to inform analysis of likely policy outcomes for the UK and the EU. The article concludes that the EU will have a greater impact through its laws and regulations on the post-Brexit UK than vice versa and that Brexit is not an immediate threat to the EU's regulatory mode of security governance. The new realities of internal/external security governance in Europe post-Brexit will mean weakened EU–UK security arrangements, which will impact the scope and quality of European security cooperation beyond traditional defence. This is both undesirable and potentially dangerous for European security cooperation and for Europe's position in the wider world.
Japan is abandoning its once unidirectional foreign security policy towards the USA, two notable examples of which are its increasingly comprehensive and substantial security relations with the ...Philippines and Vietnam. Putting these burgeoning Japanese security partnerships front and center, this paper asks the following questions: What are the characteristics of Japan's maturing security partnerships with the Philippines and Vietnam? What factors have driven and enabled their recent emergence? What promotes and constrains their future development? What do these maturing Japanese non-US security partnerships reveal about Japan's direction as a security actor in and beyond East Asia? The paper finds that these two Japanese security bilaterals, which have six basic characteristics in common, are fundamentally driven by the contemporary shift in the balance of power and the strategic challenge that China's emerging maritime power and ambitions present Japan. It moreover argues that the substantiation of these security partnerships have been pursued under American auspices and further invited by Japanese nationalism and security legislative reforms. Notwithstanding these encouraging factors, however, domestic and geo-strategic constraints and counter incentives lead this paper to expect further substantiation, but limited military significance in the future of these security partnerships.
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BFBNIB, DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
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