It has often been said that after 1900 formal modernism diminished the role of the mimetic (i.e., imitation or representation) in all arts. This article opposes such a general conclusion. Formal ...modernism in art did not represent any general relationship to the mimetic; rather, it questioned the traditional relationship to forms of representation within each particular art form. Although a traditional notion of mimesis indeed makes it possible to see a good deal of literature and the visual arts as less mimetic after 1900, twentieth-century music discovered unprecedented representational possibilities, which are illustrated with the case of musique concrète. In the last section, the article reflects on its thesis with a comparative perspective on the postmodernist turn in various arts.
For a century and half, the life and work of the Slovenian–Croatian poet Stanko Vraz (1810–1851) has aroused mutually irreconcilable interpretations in Slovenian literary history and Slovenian ...public. These ambiguous receptions usually ranged between praising Vraz as a visionary Styrian poet and dismissing him as a “national renegade.” On one side, the Slovenian reception of Vraz centered on his decision to abandon writing in Slovenian and to embrace Shtokavian Croatian. On the other side, Vraz was an internationally acclaimed Illyrian poet and romantic Pan-Slav that almost single-handedly kindled the flame for the Slovenian national rebirth in pre-March Lower Styria. Moreover, Slovenian literary historiography adds to his ambiguous status by treating him as a unique and often tragic figure. Despite his mythicized role, Stanko Vraz in nacionalizem (Stanko Vraz and Nationalism) depicts Vraz from another angle—as a symptom of these processes rather than as their main protagonist. To achieve this task, the book offers a new contextualization of Vraz’s practice and provides a new look at the Slovenian posthumous reception of the poet.
Besedilo se osredotoča na medbesedilne povezave med opusoma slovaškega panslavistaJana Kollárja in slovensko-hrvaškega ilirca Stanka Vraza, posebej na večplasten vpliv Kollárjeve pesnitve Slávy dcera ...na Vrazovo prvo zbirko v ilirščini Djulabije. Orisane so Vrazove globinske povezave s češko kulturo, ki jo je med vsemi slovanskimi najbolj cenil in jo razumel kot osrednjo v slovanskih preporodih. V nadaljevanju besedilo strnjeno poudari tiste elemente opusa Jana Kollárja, ki so navdihnili Vraza, nazadnje pa se posveti obema deloma, od katerih je prvo že samo kompleksen primer medbesedilnosti.
The paper focuses on the dilemmas presented in James Joyce's "Cyclops" episode, a chapter of his opus magnum, Ulysses. Beginning briefly by outlining the parallels with Homer's Odyssey as the source ...text of Joyce's intertextuality helps us understand elementary discrepancies in ideological agendas and the basic relations between the protagonists. In this regard some subtle distinctions between imperialism and colonialism, as proposed by Ania Loomba in Colonialism/Postcolonialism, are introduced. The dichotomy between the chapter's seemingly easily comprehensible relations and a polyphony of voices that constantly interrupts them has been discussed at greater length in several current postcolonial studies. The postcolonial attitude opens pertinent questions but leaves aside certain points that were no doubt essential to Joyce. Most of those studies-some of them are mentioned in the text-simply ascribe currently popular notions of postmodern plurality to Joyce's mode of writing. Without completely dismissing the views mentioned, the paper considers Joyce rather an unlikely forerunner of another approach-the one suggested by Slavoj Zizek in his reflections on a postcolonial thought. His criticism directed at the traditional line of thought still inherent to many postcolonial theorists (if not to postcolonial studies in general), when applied to the topic, creates a more credible explanation of many of Joyce's personal and literary decisions. The article argues that Joyce was well aware of political dilemmas; by recalling some biographical notes and excerpts from his non-literary writing, the discussion emphasizes the often overlooked bonds between his political statements and the structure of the "Cyclops" episode. Without the framework put forward by Zizek, both-Joyce's literature and his biographical persona-could indeed be understood as merely ambiguous towards its underlying political questions and encouraging arbitrary interpretations, those seemingly beyond a clear political agenda.
We can often encounter an idea about a general decline of imitation/representation in the Modernist art. The text goes again this implication, attributing to Modernism not a general relationship ...towards the mimetical, but, instead, a contingent examination of a traditional relationship in each of the arts' disciplines.
The first part of this article defines the basic lines of forces of globalization and Americanization in a culture, as understood by researchers in various disciplines. The second part of the article ...outlines the course of American influences on literature from the 1960s to the beginning of the 1990s using the case of the journal Problemi - Literatura (Problems: Literature) . It focuses on the period from the mid- to late 1980s, when American influences were embedded in all levels of literary creation and magazine publication. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
...it seeks to respond to contemporary trends in the arts, characterized by the fusion of individual artistic practices and extension into the spheres of science, politics, and economics. Because the ...mutual links between literature and music appear particularly strong, we sought to shed light on these junctions and intersections from an interdisciplinan' perspective, combining musicological and comparative analysis. ...the types of linguistic and musical signs, as well as the quality of their meanings, are basically incongruent. ...early amalgams between both art forms were forgotten in the nineteenth century, which was marked by the two very opposite Zeitgeist streams: on the one hand, the development of the sciences (especially Darwin's theory of evolution) was bringing empiricism to the fore, and on the other hand the pronounced cult of the arts was gaining distinct metaphysical features. According to Schumann, this hidden dimension, which opens up the transcendental vastness of the artistic meta-world, can only be revealed to a very sensitive listener.
Kollárjev lik pa je Vrazu pomenil se mnogo ve? od mladostnega vzora pri od- lo?itvi za ilirsko idejo.7 Iz mnogih dokumentov tistega ?asa je znano, da je ilirec o?eta panslovanske ideje ?astil kot ...nekaksnega preroka (»slovanskega Mojzesa in Jeremijo v eni osebi« slodnjAK 1952: 29; Zdenka KresniK 2010: 48), njegovo Slávy dcero pa razumel kot evangelij slovanske pomladi in jo redno prebiral kot veliko delo preteklosti, zdajsnjosti in prihodnosti slovanstva. Ob nekriti?nem povzemanju Kollárjevih pogledov se ni pretirano oziral na marsikatero krivico, ki jo je zaradi nerazumevanja slovenskih prizadevanj zapisal na ra?un Slovencev. Teh ni imeno- val z besedo, temve? jih je dosledno obravnaval lo?eno po pokrajinah, Stajerce in Korosce pa je stel med trojico zadnjih, ki k slovanskemu preporodu se niso ni?esar doprinesli. Vraz mu krivi?nega mnenja, ki spregleduje delo mnogih vzhodnosloven- skih preroditeljev, po mnenju nekaterih avtorjev ni nikoli zares oponesel,8 temve? je bil nasprotno navdusen, da bo nemara ravno on tisti, ki mu bi hotel Kollár priznati primat na tem obmo?ju (peTrè 1939: 63-64, lah 1922: 158).9 Prav tako je zelel biti tudi v kranjskem krogu izobrazencev prepoznan kot tisti, ki najzvesteje izvrsuje Kollárjev panslavisti?ni projekt. Po mnogih nesoglasjih s ?beli?arji, ki so jim v mar- si?em botrovala prav razhajanja v odnosu na panslavisti?no idejo, je leta 1838, malo potem, ko je delo odkril sam, Presernu in Smoletu poslal po en izvod Kollárjevega spisa O knjizevni vzajemnosti med raznimi plemeni in nare?ji slovanskega naroda, izslega dve leti pred tem. Druga tematska navezava, in sicer na Kollárjevo razvijanje ljubezenske in ero- ti?ne teme, je zanimivejsa in kompleksnejsa: Vraz je bolj liri?en in v smislu eroti?ne izpovedi mo?nejsi pesnik od vzornika, pri katerem je eroti?ni motiv bistveno redkej- si in podrejen kulturnopoliti?nemu zna?aju pesnitve.20 v Slávy dcere je sicer najbolj ljubezensko izpoveden prvi del, ki je na Vraza tudi najbolj vplival, zlasti leta 1838, ko je sam snoval prvi del Djulabij. Eroti?ni motiv je najbolj prisoten v prvem delu, zato je povezava med prvima deloma zbirk najmo?nejsa (dreChsler 1909: 69-70); vsi Kollárjevi soneti, ki jih je Vraz prevedel v slovens?ino, so eroti?no-ljubezenske narave (prav tam: 71). Vraz je v nasprotju s svojim vzornikom skozi celotno zbirko vztrajal pri upesnitvi ?istega in neokrnjenega hrepenenja (prav gotovo sta k temu prispevali poroka in zlasti smrt Vrazove muze Ljubice Cantilly med ustvarjanjem zbirke), medtem ko upesnjevanje nedosegljive ljubezni v Slávy dceri ve?krat izgubi sapo proti konservativnim, patriarhalnim momentom, saj Kollár na ve? mestih ne opisuje ve? klasi?ne pesniske muze, temve? konvencionalno neemancipirano zeno, ki se ne znajde le med knjigami, marve? tudi v kuhinji21 (prav tam: 73). prav pre- danost prefinjeni ljubezni in ?ustveni izpovedi je to?ka, ob kateri so Djulabije v li- terarni zgodovini obstale kot relevantno izvirno delo in ne le posnetek Kollárjeve pesnitve, pri kateri eroti?na izpoved mo?no trpi na ra?un aktualisti?nih, teznih in (psevdo)historiografskih elementov. Motiviko je Vraz na mnogih mestih prevzemal po Slávy dceri - vendar gre bolj za motivne drobce: Vraz ni pozabil, da je Kollár po Komenskem prevzel misel o Slova- nih kot o »golobjem narodu« in jo tudi vztrajno ponavljal; tako je v V Djulabijah motiv goloba in golobice prihranil za najneznejsa ob?utja (»Kod jezera toga / duse golubinje / Dvije Slovenke, divne / vile jezerkinje.« vrAz 1953: 169; dreChsler 1909: 66). pri Vrazu prav tako na zelo veliko mestih najdemo motive, povezane z lipo, ki jo je za vpeljavo »golobje narave« Slovanov uporabljal ze Kollár; tudi njeno nasprotje, hrast kot simbol nemske sile in surovosti, je Vraz prevzel po Kollárju (»Pod tvrdim se du- bom / srusi cvjetna lipa.« vrAz 1953: 100, 266; dreChsler 1909: 66). Tudi Vrazov »grad sred zemlje slovinske« kot prostor hrepenenja, kjer zivi nedosegljiva ljubezen lirskega subjekta, se po svoje navezuje na Kollárjevo Salo kot ?ustveno in simbolno zaznamovan kraj - Sala je domovanje h?ere Slave Mine, »grad sred zemlje slovin- ske« pa dom pesniske upodobitve Vrazove muze Ljubice. V prvem delu pesnitve in v prvem delu zbirke je kraj motiv, ki mu sledijo izpovedne pesmi o prvem sre?anju, pr- vem pogledu, prvem poljubu, o mukah in radostih ter naposled o razhodu, ob ?emer tako Kollár kot Vraz blagoslavljata vsa mesta, ki ju spominjajo na njuno izgubljeno ljubezen (dreChsler 1909: 71). 2 Raziskovalci ilirizma radi pozabljajo ns razlike med »mladim« in »zrelim« Kollárjem; prav kakor je Kollár s svojo idejo o stirih slovanskih jezikih navdusil ilirce in hote ali ne v temelju zastavil njihovo gibanje, je tudi gibanje sámo mo?no vplivalo na spremembo Kollárjevih stalis? skozi ?as. Na zmeden kom- promis med predhodno asimilacijo Juznih Slovanov v Srbe in novim, a nedoslednim poimenovanjem zanje Iliri sta vplivala tako hrvaski narodni preporod z ilirizmom na ?elu kot pomembni Karadzi?evi spisi. Ti so se afirmirali Kollárjevo predhodno vizijo Srbov kot toris?a juznoslovanskih narodnih preporodov, obenem pa sta nanj vplivala tudi ilirizem in ve?ja hrvaska dejavnost pri projektu (juzno)slovanske vzajemnosti (Srbi in Bolgari se za ilirs?ino in Kollárjevo vizijo panslavizma niso nikoli povsem ogreli, saj so imeli nekoliko druga?en zgodovinski razvoj in v nasprotju s Hrvati in Slovenci povezovanja z drugimi Slovani za centrip- etalno nacionalno samopotrjevanje niso potrebovali PogA?niK 1990: 107). tako je v nasprotju s svojimi ugotovitvami iz leta 1830 sest let pozneje v delu o Literarni vzajemnosti Slovanov izraz Srbi deloma nado- mestil z izrazom Iliri, vendar je pod njim se vedno razumel Srbe (na Ilira je na nekem mestu apeliral, naj ne bere le srbskih, temve? tudi »poljska, ruska, ?eska dela«). V naslednjih letih se je se bolj poglobljeno posvetil juznoslovanskim »nare?jem« in v nasprotju s predhodnimi spisi leta 1842 pisal o dveh nare?jih na obmo?jih danasnje Slovenije in Hrvaske. Za hrvasko nare?je je priznal le kajkavski hrvas?ini, medtem ko je Dalmaciji in Slavoniji pod vplivom Karadzi?a (ki ni priznaval hrvas?ine kot posebnega jezika) se naprej pripisoval srbs?ino. Ta naj bi se (v nasprotju s hrvas?ino in »karantanskim« nare?jem, kakor je imenoval slovens?ino) govorila tudi v Beli Krajini in celo v Istri juzno od Dragonje (zajc 2005: 29-32).
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