World War I gave colonial migrants and French women unprecedented access to the workplaces and nightlife of Paris. After the war they were expected to return without protest to their homes-either ...overseas or metropolitan. Neither group, however, was willing to be discarded.
Between the world wars, the mesmerizing capital of France's colonial empire attracted denizens from Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States. Paris became not merely their home but also a site for political engagement.Colonial Metropolistells the story of the interactions and connections of these black colonial migrants and white feminists in the social, cultural, and political world of interwar Paris. It explores why and how both were denied certain rights, such as the vote, how they suffered from sensationalist depictions in popular culture, and how they pursued parity in ways that were often interpreted as politically subversive.
This article explores what is said and not said (the non-dit) about race in contemporary France via three case studies that trace silences and elisions as regards race from the twentieth to the ...twenty-first centuries. The first case is a 1930 book about African Americans written by Magdeleine Paz. The second case looks at interracial fears regarding sex work in West Africa after World War II. The third case is the 2012 guerrilla film Rengaine, which like a fairy-tale warns viewers about the utopic-dystopic anxieties and hopes contained in conversations about race. Each case reveals different dimensions of the tensions provoked by the idea of a post-racial utopia.
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In its 28 December 2017 editorial entitled 'France Fails to Face Up to Racism', the New York Times decried the recent outsting of Rokhaya Diallo, a French journalist, from a government advisory ...council on media. Perhaps best known for her documentary From Paris to Ferguson: Guilty of Being Black, Diallo, a black, feminist French woman, daughter of Senegalese and Gambian Muslim immigrants, was very much in the news because her attempts to shed light upon structural racism - including what she and others in France call state racism - had made her such a controversial figure that President Macron's government ousted her from an unpaid advisory role. The woman who created the advisory council, Marie Ekeland, had invited Diallo to join the council precisely so that the views of people not often formally included in government circles could be heard.
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When they carved out a place for themselves in the colonial system of French West Africa, black and white women questioned how the romanticized white, bourgeois femininity that defined African girls’ ...education in the AOF (L’Afrique occidentale française) regulated and contested all women’s bodies, sexuality, and domesticity. Traditionally, administrators and observers construed white women as untouchable, opposing them to highly sensual and available black women. Yet in their everyday, lived experiences of colonialism, women and their bodies were not easy to manipulate, contain, or stereotype. This article analyzes how women in the French Empire pushed themselves to assume and resist normative interpretations of their race and gender and, in particular, how black African and white French women manipulated intersections between whiteness, sexuality, and femininity when establishing roles for women, black or white, in the French Empire. It pays particular attention to how women in the early twentieth century read both bodies’ physical and representational qualities, using embodiment to challenge not only what it meant to be French and a woman but also, therefore, to reevaluate who could lay claim to the social and cultural advantages of the idealized virtues associated with these attributes.
When Dr. Rosie Gräfenberg traveled to French West Africa in 1929, she set the French security and intelligence service on high alert. Rumors preceding her arrival suggested she might be a Russian ...agent, a communist agitator, and a German spy, among other things. She, however, presented herself as a German journalist. This article contrasts Gräfenberg's autobiography and newspaper articles with French police archives to consider why the stories surrounding her life diverged so greatly and what variations in detail, fact, and tone reveal about how Franco-German relations influenced considerations of race, nation, gender, and sexuality in the French Empire. In part because her trajectory was so outlandish, Gräfenberg's writings help us to consider the influence of World War I upon interwar colonial politics, procedures, and presumptions.
This article considers why and how locality influenced feminists’ perceptions of colonised women. It does so through an analysis of how militants and novelists linked with the Union Française pour le ...Suffrage des Femmes (French Union for Women's Suffrage, UFSF) perceived the Arab and Berber women of colonial North Africa. The organisation had branches in North Africa, and thus feminists in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia are compared to those in France. Where these women lived shaped their understanding of French women's roles in the colonies, along with their opinions regarding the rights to which colonised women could lay claim. Tensions among UFSF members are traced here through the literary figure Elissa Rhaïs, articles in the feminist newspaper La Française and correspondence among UFSF members. These sources indicate that while all these French women positioned themselves as mediators of colonialism and women's rights, their precise interpretations of that mediation were consistently influenced by local concerns.
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