Le jardin polémique chez J.-J. Rousseau Conroy Jr, Peter V.
Cahiers de l'Association internationale des études françaises,
1982, Letnik:
34, Številka:
1
Journal Article
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Conroy Jr. Peter V. Le jardin polémique chez J.-J. Rousseau. In: Cahiers de l'Association internationale des études francaises, 1982, n°34. pp. 91-105.
Offers some insights for college language department chairs regarding effective teaching strategies. The Maturiry and Leadership Scales of Hersey, Blanchard, and Hambleton teach faculty to use ...management skills at four levels (tell, sell, participate, and delegate) according to students' maturity levels. (CB)
The formal or French garden and the English or landscape garden coexisted in England after 1720 and in France after 1750. Even though Le Nôtre belonged to the epoch of Louis XIV, his disciples ...continued to work in the same style throughout the eighteenth century. Moreover, the gardens of Versailles, his masterpiece, were constantly rearranged under Louis XV so that we can almost consider them an eighteenth-century product. In the second half of the century the English garden exerted its attraction on the French, with Rousseau's Elysée its most important literary example. None the less, neither style fully replaced or negated the other. Many landscape gardens had a portion done in the strict formal style while Versailles itself incorporated the Hameau, done in the English manner. As Delille's poem suggests, what lies at the base of this change in garden designs is a new perception, a new taste, and consequently a new form. Formal and landscape gardens were designed and planted, I should like to argue, according to the same inspiration as literature and other arts: gardens responded to the same needs and reflected the same preoccupations as literature did. Furthermore, beyond the vague generalities like the 'sentimental English garden' or the 'rational French garden' there are specific details and techniques which connect each of these styles to the different genres we find in eighteenth-century theatre. I am not claiming any direct influence or conscious inspiration of one by the other; rather I am suggesting that parallel affinities of style, technique, and taste exist at the deepest levels of both eighteenth-century gardens and theatre.
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In the vast fresco of the Second Empire that he painted in his series of novels about the Rougon and Macquart families, Emile Zola turned his reporter's eye and his thirst for documentation to the ...principal areas of life in France, even to the Parisian demi-monde. Published in 1880, Nana, the story of Anna, daughter of Gervaise Macquart and Coupeau, depicts the nocturnal, shadowy life of the music hall and the glittering, extravagant existence of the rich 'stage-door-Johnnies' who courted its actresses. At all levels, from the aristocracy of the comte Muffat and the marquis de Chouart, through the tasteless nouveaux riches like the stock-market speculator Steiner or the husband-pimp Mignon, to the depths of Satin and her fellow lesbians and prostitutes, Zola reveals this society to be corrupt and totally immoral. His novel would probably remain a satire, an acerbic criticism of social mores, were it not for the presence of Nana herself. Against the background of social satire and documentary realism Nana stands out as a fantastic creation, less a 'real' woman based on actual and identifiable models than the Woman, the Temptress and Seducer, who lures men irresistibly to their ruin.' Recent critics have noted that an imaginative dimension, an epic breadth, a mythopoeic vein co-exists alongside Zola's more familiar realistic, naturalistic commitment. As examples of this other tendency we might cite Gueule d'or fashioning a rivet in L'Assommoir, the colours and the movements of crowds in Germinal, even the anthropomorphism of the Hailes in Le V entre de Paris, or the locomotive in La Bête humaine. Gustave Flaubert was among the first to recognize this mythopoeic inspiration in Nana when, writing to Zola, he called her 'un mythe.’
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