Summary Background India has the largest number of child deaths of any country in the world, and has wide local variation in under-5 mortality. Worldwide achievement of the UN 2015 Millennium ...Development Goal for under-5 mortality (MDG 4) will depend on progress in the subregions of India. We aimed to estimate neonatal, 1–59 months, and overall under-5 mortality by sex for 597 Indian districts and to assess whether India is on track to achieve MDG 4. Methods We divided the 2012 UN sex-specific birth and mortality totals for India into state totals using relative birth rates and mortality from recent demographic surveys of 24 million people, and divided state totals into totals for the 597 districts using 3 million birth histories. We then split the results into neonatal mortality and 1–59 month mortality using data for 109 000 deaths in children younger than 5 years from six national surveys. We compared results with the 2001 census for each district. Findings Under-5 mortality fell at a mean rate of 3·7% (IQR 3·2–4·9) per year between 2001 and 2012. 222 (37%) of 597 districts are on track to achieve the MDG 4 of 38 deaths in children younger than 5 years per 1000 livebirths by 2015, but an equal number (222 37%) will achieve MDG 4 only after 2020. These 222 lagging districts are home to 41% of India's livebirths and 56% of all deaths in children younger than 5 years. More districts lag behind the relevant goal for neonatal mortality (251 42%) than for 1–59 month mortality (197 33%). Just 81 (14%) districts account for 37% of deaths in children younger than 5 years nationally. Female mortality at ages 1–59 months exceeded male mortality by 25% in 303 districts in nearly all states of India, totalling about 74 000 excess deaths in girls. Interpretation At current rates of progress, MDG 4 will be met by India around 2020—by the richer states around 2015 and by the poorer states around 2023. Accelerated progress to reduce mortality during the neonatal period and at ages 1–59 months is needed in most Indian districts. Funding Disease Control Priorities 3, Canadian Institutes of Health Research, International Development Research Centre, US National Institutes of Health.
Summary Background In China, there are more than 300 million male smokers. Tobacco taxation reduces smoking-related premature deaths and increases government revenues, but has been criticised for ...disproportionately affecting poorer people. We assess the distributional consequences (across different wealth quintiles) of a specific excise tax on cigarettes in China in terms of both financial and health outcomes. Methods We use extended cost-effectiveness analysis methods to estimate, across income quintiles, the health benefits (years of life gained), the additional tax revenues raised, the net financial consequences for households, and the financial risk protection provided to households, that would be caused by a 50% increase in tobacco price through excise tax fully passed onto tobacco consumers. For our modelling analysis, we used plausible values for key parameters, including an average price elasticity of demand for tobacco of −0·38, which is assumed to vary from −0·64 in the poorest quintile to −0·12 in the richest, and we considered only the male population, which constitutes the overwhelming majority of smokers in China. Findings Our modelling analysis showed that a 50% increase in tobacco price through excise tax would lead to 231 million years of life gained (95% uncertainty range 194–268 million) over 50 years (a third of which would be gained in the lowest income quintile), a gain of US$703 billion ($616–781 billion) of additional tax revenues from the excise tax (14% of which would come from the lowest income quintile, compared with 24% from the highest income quintile). The excise tax would increase overall household expenditures on tobacco by $376 billion ($232–505 billion), but decrease these expenditures by $21 billion (−$83 to $5 billion) in the lowest income quintile, and would reduce expenditures on tobacco-related disease by $24·0 billion ($17·3–26·3 billion, 28% of which would benefit the lowest income quintile). Finally, it would provide financial risk protection worth $1·8 billion ($1·2–2·3 billion), mainly concentrated (74%) in the lowest income quintile. Interpretation Increased tobacco taxation can be a pro-poor policy instrument that brings substantial health and financial benefits to households in China. Funding Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Dalla Lana School of Public Health.
Summary Background As child mortality decreases rapidly worldwide, premature adult mortality is becoming an increasingly important contributor to global mortality. Any possible worldwide reduction of ...premature adult mortality before the age of 70 years will depend on progress in India. Indian districts increasingly have responsibility for implementing public health programmes. We aimed to assess age-specific and sex-specific adult mortality risks in India at the district level. Methods We analysed data from five national surveys of 0·27 million adult deaths at an age of 15–69 years together with 2014 demographic data to estimate age-specific and sex-specific adult mortality risks for 597 districts. Cause of death data were drawn from the verbal autopsies in the Registrar General of India's ongoing Million Death Study. Findings In 2014, about two-fifths of India's men aged 15–69 years lived in the 253 districts where the conditional probability of a man dying at these ages exceeded 50%, and more than a third of India's women aged 15–69 years lived in the 222 districts where the conditional probability of a woman dying exceeded 40%. The probabilities of a man or woman dying by the age of 70 years in high-mortality districts was 62% and 54%, respectively, whereas the probability of a man or woman dying by the age of 70 years in low-mortality districts was 40% and 30%, respectively. The roughly 10-year survival gap between high-mortality and low-mortality districts was nearly as extreme as the survival gap between the entire Indian population and people living in high-income countries. Adult mortality risks at ages 15–69 years was highest in east India and lowest in west India, by contrast with the north–south divide for child mortality. Vascular disease, tuberculosis, malaria and other infections, and respiratory diseases accounted for about 60% of the absolute gap in adult mortality risk at ages 15–69 years between high-mortality and low-mortality districts. Most of the variation in adult mortality could not be explained by known determinants or risk factors for premature mortality. Interpretation India's large variation in adult mortality by district, notably the higher death rates in eastern India, requires further aetiological research, particularly to explore whether high levels of adult mortality risks from infections and non-communicable diseases are a result of historical childhood malnutrition and infection. Such research can be complemented by an expanded coverage of known effective interventions to reduce adult mortality, especially in high-mortality districts. Funding National Institutes of Health, Canadian Institutes of Health Research, University of Toronto.
Summary Background Few population-based studies quantify mortality from surgical conditions and relate mortality to access to surgical care in low-income and middle-income countries. Methods We ...linked deaths from acute abdominal conditions within a nationally representative, population-based mortality survey of 1·1 million households in India to nationally representative facility data. We calculated total and age-standardised death rates for acute abdominal conditions. Using 4064 postal codes, we undertook a spatial clustering analysis to compare geographical access to well-resourced government district hospitals (24 h surgical and anaesthesia services, blood bank, critical care beds, basic laboratory, and radiology) in high-mortality or low-mortality clusters from acute abdominal conditions. Findings 923 (1·1%) of 86 806 study deaths at ages 0–69 years were identified as deaths from acute abdominal conditions, corresponding to 72 000 deaths nationally in 2010 in India. Most deaths occurred at home (71%) and in rural areas (87%). Compared with 567 low-mortality geographical clusters, the 393 high-mortality clusters had a nine times higher age-standardised acute abdominal mortality rate and significantly greater distance to a well-resourced hospital. The odds ratio (OR) of being a high-mortality cluster was 4·4 (99% CI 3·2–6·0) for living 50 km or more from well-resourced district hospitals (rising to an OR of 16·1 95% CI 7·9–32·8 for >100 km). No such relation was seen for deaths from non-acute surgical conditions (ie, oral, breast, and uterine cancer). Interpretation Improvements in human and physical resources at existing government hospitals are needed to reduce deaths from acute abdominal conditions in India. Full access to well-resourced hospitals within 50 km by all of India's population could have avoided about 50 000 deaths from acute abdominal conditions, and probably more from other emergency surgical conditions. Funding Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation , Dalla Lana School of Public Health , Canadian Institute of Health Research.
Summary Background Up-to-date information on the causes of child deaths is crucial to guide global efforts to improve child survival. We report new estimates for 2008 of the major causes of death in ...children younger than 5 years. Methods We used multicause proportionate mortality models to estimate deaths in neonates aged 0–27 days and children aged 1–59 months, and selected single-cause disease models and analysis of vital registration data when available to estimate causes of child deaths. New data from China and India permitted national data to be used for these countries instead of predictions based on global statistical models, as was done previously. We estimated proportional causes of death for 193 countries, and by application of these proportions to the country-specific mortality rates in children younger than 5 years and birth rates, the numbers of deaths by cause were calculated for countries, regions, and the world. Findings Of the estimated 8·795 million deaths in children younger than 5 years worldwide in 2008, infectious diseases caused 68% (5·970 million), with the largest percentages due to pneumonia (18%, 1·575 million, uncertainty range UR 1·046 million–1·874 million), diarrhoea (15%, 1·336 million, 0·822 million–2·004 million), and malaria (8%, 0·732 million, 0·601 million–0·851 million). 41% (3·575 million) of deaths occurred in neonates, and the most important single causes were preterm birth complications (12%, 1·033 million, UR 0·717 million–1·216 million), birth asphyxia (9%, 0·814 million, 0·563 million–0·997 million), sepsis (6%, 0·521 million, 0·356 million–0·735 million), and pneumonia (4%, 0·386 million, 0·264 million–0·545 million). 49% (4·294 million) of child deaths occurred in five countries: India, Nigeria, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Pakistan, and China. Interpretation These country-specific estimates of the major causes of child deaths should help to focus national programmes and donor assistance. Achievement of Millennium Development Goal 4, to reduce child mortality by two-thirds, is only possible if the high numbers of deaths are addressed by maternal, newborn, and child health interventions. Funding WHO, UNICEF, and Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.
Summary Background WHO estimates that about 170 000 deaths by suicide occur in India every year, but few epidemiological studies of suicide have been done in the country. We aimed to quantify suicide ...mortality in India in 2010. Methods The Registrar General of India implemented a nationally representative mortality survey to determine the cause of deaths occurring between 2001 and 2003 in 1·1 million homes in 6671 small areas chosen randomly from all parts of India. As part of this survey, fieldworkers obtained information about cause of death and risk factors for suicide from close associates or relatives of the deceased individual. Two of 140 trained physicians were randomly allocated (stratified only by their ability to read the local language in which each survey was done) to independently and anonymously assign a cause to each death on the basis of electronic field reports. We then applied the age-specific and sex-specific proportion of suicide deaths in this survey to the 2010 UN estimates of absolute numbers of deaths in India to estimate the number of suicide deaths in India in 2010. Findings About 3% of the surveyed deaths (2684 of 95 335) in individuals aged 15 years or older were due to suicide, corresponding to about 187 000 suicide deaths in India in 2010 at these ages (115 000 men and 72 000 women; age-standardised rates per 100 000 people aged 15 years or older of 26·3 for men and 17·5 for women). For suicide deaths at ages 15 years or older, 40% of suicide deaths in men (45 100 of 114 800) and 56% of suicide deaths in women (40 500 of 72 100) occurred at ages 15–29 years. A 15-year-old individual in India had a cumulative risk of about 1·3% of dying before the age of 80 years by suicide; men had a higher risk (1·7%) than did women (1·0%), with especially high risks in south India (3·5% in men and 1·8% in women). About half of suicide deaths were due to poisoning (mainly ingestions of pesticides). Interpretation Suicide death rates in India are among the highest in the world. A large proportion of adult suicide deaths occur between the ages of 15 years and 29 years, especially in women. Public health interventions such as restrictions in access to pesticides might prevent many suicide deaths in India. Funding US National Institutes of Health.
Summary Background India's 2011 census revealed a growing imbalance between the numbers of girls and boys aged 0–6 years, which we postulate is due to increased prenatal sex determination with ...subsequent selective abortion of female fetuses. We aimed to establish the trends in sex ratio by birth order from 1990 to 2005 with three nationally representative surveys and to quantify the totals of selective abortions of girls with census cohort data. Methods We assessed sex ratios by birth order in 0·25 million births in three rounds of the nationally representative National Family Health Survey covering the period from 1990 to 2005. We estimated totals of selective abortion of girls by assessing the birth cohorts of children aged 0–6 years in the 1991, 2001, and 2011 censuses. Our main statistic was the conditional sex ratio of second-order births after a firstborn girl and we used 3-year rolling weighted averages to test for trends, with differences between trends compared by linear regression. Findings The conditional sex ratio for second-order births when the firstborn was a girl fell from 906 per 1000 boys (99% CI 798–1013) in 1990 to 836 (733–939) in 2005; an annual decline of 0·52% (p for trend=0·002). Declines were much greater in mothers with 10 or more years of education than in mothers with no education, and in wealthier households compared with poorer households. By contrast, we did not detect any significant declines in the sex ratio for second-order births if the firstborn was a boy, or for firstborns. Between the 2001 and 2011 censuses, more than twice the number of Indian districts (local administrative areas) showed declines in the child sex ratio as districts with no change or increases. After adjusting for excess mortality rates in girls, our estimates of number of selective abortions of girls rose from 0–2·0 million in the 1980s, to 1·2–4·1 million in the 1990s, and to 3·1–6·0 million in the 2000s. Each 1% decline in child sex ratio at ages 0–6 years implied 1·2–3·6 million more selective abortions of girls. Selective abortions of girls totalled about 4·2–12·1 million from 1980–2010, with a greater rate of increase in the 1990s than in the 2000s. Interpretation Selective abortion of girls, especially for pregnancies after a firstborn girl, has increased substantially in India. Most of India's population now live in states where selective abortion of girls is common. Funding US National Institutes of Health, Canadian Institute of Health Research, International Development Research Centre, and Li Ka Shing Knowledge Institute.
Summary Background The UN will formulate ambitious Sustainable Development Goals for 2030, including one for health. Feasible goals with some quantifiable, measurable targets can influence ...governments. We propose, as a quantitative health target, “Avoid in each country 40% of premature deaths (under-70 deaths that would be seen in the 2030 population at 2010 death rates), and improve health care at all ages”. Targeting overall mortality and improved health care ignores no modifiable cause of death, nor any cause of disability that is treatable (or also causes many deaths). 40% fewer premature deaths would be important in all countries, but implies very different priorities in different populations. Reinforcing this target for overall mortality in each country are four global subtargets for 2030: avoid two-thirds of child and maternal deaths; two-thirds of tuberculosis, HIV, and malaria deaths; a third of premature deaths from non-communicable diseases (NCDs); and a third of those from other causes (other communicable diseases, undernutrition, and injuries). These challenging subtargets would halve under-50 deaths, avoid a third of the (mainly NCD) deaths at ages 50–69 years, and so avoid 40% of under-70 deaths. To help assess feasibility, we review mortality rates and trends in the 25 most populous countries, in four country income groupings, and worldwide. Methods UN sources yielded overall 1970–2010 mortality trends. WHO sources yielded cause-specific 2000–10 trends, standardised to country-specific 2030 populations; decreases per decade of 42% or 18% would yield 20-year reductions of two-thirds or a third. Results Throughout the world, except in countries where the effects of HIV or political disturbances predominated, mortality decreased substantially from 1970–2010, particularly in childhood. From 2000–10, under-70 age-standardised mortality rates decreased 19% (with the low-income and lower-middle-income countries having the greatest absolute gains). The proportional decreases per decade (2000–10) were: 34% at ages 0–4 years; 17% at ages 5–49 years; 15% at ages 50–69 years; 30% for communicable, perinatal, maternal, or nutritional causes; 14% for NCDs; and 13% for injuries (accident, suicide, or homicide). Interpretation Moderate acceleration of the 2000–10 proportional decreases in mortality could be feasible, achieving the targeted 2030 disease-specific reductions of two-thirds or a third. If achieved, these reductions avoid about 10 million of the 20 million deaths at ages 0–49 years that would be seen in 2030 at 2010 death rates, and about 17 million of the 41 million such deaths at ages 0–69 years. Such changes could be achievable by 2030, or soon afterwards, at least in areas free of war, other major effects of political disruption, or a major new epidemic. Funding UK Medical Research Council , Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation , Centre for Global Health Research , and Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.
Summary Background The age-specific mortality rates and total deaths from specific cancers have not been documented for the various regions and subpopulations of India. We therefore assessed the ...cause of death in 2001–03 in homes in small areas that were chosen to be representative of all the parts of India. Methods At least 130 trained physicians independently assigned causes to 122 429 deaths, which occurred in 1·1 million homes in 6671 small areas that were randomly selected to be representative of all of India, based on a structured non-medical surveyor's field report. Findings 7137 of 122 429 study deaths were due to cancer, corresponding to 556 400 national cancer deaths in India in 2010. 395 400 (71%) cancer deaths occurred in people aged 30–69 years (200 100 men and 195 300 women). At 30–69 years, the three most common fatal cancers were oral (including lip and pharynx, 45 800 22·9%), stomach (25 200 12·6%), and lung (including trachea and larynx, 22 900 11·4%) in men, and cervical (33 400 17·1%), stomach (27 500 14·1%), and breast (19 900 10·2%) in women. Tobacco-related cancers represented 42·0% (84 000) of male and 18·3% (35 700) of female cancer deaths and there were twice as many deaths from oral cancers as lung cancers. Age-standardised cancer mortality rates per 100 000 were similar in rural (men 95·6 99% CI 89·6–101·7 and women 96·6 90·7–102·6) and urban areas (men 102·4 92·7–112·1 and women 91·2 81·9–100·5), but varied greatly between the states, and were two times higher in the least educated than in the most educated adults (men, illiterate 106·6 97·4–115·7 vs most educated 45·7 37·8–53·6; women, illiterate 106·7 99·9–113·6 vs most educated 43·4 30·7–56·1). Cervical cancer was far less common in Muslim than in Hindu women (study deaths 24, age-standardised mortality ratio 0·68 0·64–0·71 vs 340, 1·06 1·05–1·08). Interpretation Prevention of tobacco-related and cervical cancers and earlier detection of treatable cancers would reduce cancer deaths in India, particularly in the rural areas that are underserved by cancer services. The substantial variation in cancer rates in India suggests other risk factors or causative agents that remain to be discovered. Funding Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and US National Institutes of Health.
To sustain the positive economic trajectory that India has had during the past decade, and to honour the fundamental right of all citizens to adequate health care, the health of all Indian people has ...to be given the highest priority in public policy. We propose the creation of the Integrated National Health System in India through provision of universal health insurance, establishment of autonomous organisations to enable accountable and evidence-based good-quality health-care practices and development of appropriately trained human resources, the restructuring of health governance to make it coordinated and decentralised, and legislation of health entitlement for all Indian people. The key characteristics of our proposal are to strengthen the public health system as the primary provider of promotive, preventive, and curative health services in India, to improve quality and reduce the out-of-pocket expenditure on health care through a well regulated integration of the private sector within the national health-care system. Dialogue and consensus building among the stakeholders in the government, civil society, and private sector are the next steps to formalise the actions needed and to monitor their achievement. In our call to action, we propose that India must achieve health care for all by 2020.
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