Although there were many controversies in the Waldensian valleys, they left few traces: they rarely gave rise to the publication of reports, and many of them seemed more akin to fistfights than ...scholarly debates. This gives us a different picture of the controversies in this region, which is generally little studied in terms of its links with the kingdom of France. Although of little theological interest, these controversies were like light weapons among others in a civil war that never really ended throughout the seventeenth century, and were therefore overshadowed by more effective mechanisms of coercion. While French Protestants enjoyed a degree of security during the first two-thirds of the seventeenth century thanks to the Edict of Nantes, which encouraged controlled controversy, Protestants in Piedmont were subjected to several expulsion decrees, terrible massacres took place in 1655 and 1686, and Protestantism was banned in Savoy, as it had been in France since the Edict of Fontainebleau. Against this backdrop of war and the desire to suppress Reformed worship as soon as the opportunity arose, the disputes most often resembled not real debates but attacks and provocations, which may explain why Protestant ministers were reluctant to respond, and even more so to publish their responses, unless they felt they had to respond to slander or false reports of Catholic victories. If a few of them write books against Catholics, it is only very rarely and in the context of formal controversies. These cases were accompanied by other writing practices designed to reassure the Waldensians that they represented the true Church. A large number of histories of the Waldensians were published, all showing their apostolic origins and the maintenance of pure Christianity in the valleys: in addition to those by Perrin, Gilles and Léger, which are used extensively in this article, we should add Henri Arnaud's Histoire de la glorieuse rentrée des Vaudois dans leurs vallées (1710), as well as several anonymous writings on specific episodes, generally massacres.
This article examines the way pastors view masculinity through three main themes: the ideal of the Christian man, the necessary domination over women, and the role of men in the Church. One can ...conclude that a masculine model is manifested in practices of domination in the family, of active behavior in the exercise of sexuality, of power in ecclesial society. All this allows the man to be defined as superior to the woman and to dominate her. But men were also asked to obey the authorities, to be gentle and peaceful, which allowed the idea of opposition between a model advocated by the pastors and a more traditional model more associated with virility to be put forward. The Reformation could thus have contributed to a redefinition of gender and the promotion of a 'moderate masculinity' that was very much influenced by religious discourse.
Jean-Jacques Thurneysen (1636-1711), a Basel-based engraver of the Reformed faith, worked in Lyon from 1656 to 1659 and then from 1662 to 1681, in Turin (1659-1661), Vienna (1695-1697), Prague, ...Nuremberg, Augsburg and Basel. He was married to Marie Armet, from a renowned Protestant family in Bourg-en-Bresse; the couple had seven children, all born in Lyon. He wass closely linked to the Protestant merchants and pastors of Lyon. But he mainly worked for Catholic sponsors. He has engraved many representations of saints, biblical figures, religious allegories, subjects of piety, and portraits of Catholic clergymen or political authorities. He collaborated with merchants of Catholic prints, he disseminated by engraving the works of Thomas Blanchet. It illustrated theses and plays from the Jesuit College of Lyon, as well as works by Father Menstrier. However, the reformed discipline prohibits the promotion of the religious use of images. But Thurneysen seems never to have been worried about it. Everything happens as if a total dissociation between faith and professional activity were allowed.
Jean Delumeau, qui nous a quittés le 13 janvier 2020, était un des derniers grands maîtres de l’histoire religieuse. Un parcours d’excellence (École Normale Supérieure, agrégation d’histoire, École ...Française de Rome) lui a permis d’écrire une thèse sous l’égide de Fernand Braudel, publiée en 1957-1959 (Vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du xvie siècle), puis une thèse secondaire toujours sur Rome (L’Alun de Rome, xv-xviiie siècles) et d’être professeur en classes prépara...
This article raises the question of the modernity of Protestant time. It tries to show that this modernity has met with many resistances: refusal of the new calendar, long subsistence of the ...observation of traditional festivals, etc. Moreover, Protestant time remained a Christian time, marked by a beginning and an end, which theologians have long sought to date precisely. It is therefore hardly different from Catholic time; the differences appear only marginally, although this is not insignificant. In any case, less than a secularization of time with days that would all have the same value, it is rather a new order of time that is emerging: growing importance of Sunday, enhancement of certain festivals, exceptional moments such as fasting days and the four Last Supper Days. Finally, perhaps the main contribution of 16th-18th century Protestantism to modernity is the value of time control, the idea that time is a good that should not be wasted, which can even save money. This time, which is part of the decline of an old world - at least as we see it in the Renaissance - is a time when we must constantly make an effort to conform to the divine plan; we must not waste it in futile activities or in idleness. Undoubtedly, it is on this point alone that it is very modern, but it is decisive in accompanying and promoting the development of capitalism.
Des protestants divisés Krumenacker, Yves
Chrétiens et Sociétés,
02/2019, Letnik:
25, Številka:
25
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Protestants form a small minority in Lyon, but they are numerous among the bourgeois elites. The diary kept by Raoul de Cazenove gives much information about them. The Reformed church, which meets at ...the Temple of the Change, is served by several pastors. It must face competition from the Evangelical Church, which is very active in popular evangelization but is very divided. There are also Lutherans, Germans or Swiss, quite numerous, and Anglicans.
31 October 1517 is traditionally taken as the starting point for the Reformation, even if the date is controversial. But the French Reformation has no easily identifiable starting date. This article ...explores the successive attempts at giving the process an origin. First, an overview of the historiography of the last forty years highlights that there is no consensual starting date and that Calvin does not even appear to be the uncontroversial father of the French Reformation. Next follows a survey of the commemorations of the beginning of the Reformation from the nineteenth century onwards. They were few and far between and essentially referenced Luther and the 95 Theses, but usually quite discreetly. Sermons preached on these occasions celebrate the French Reformation and Protestants more generally as a minority which remained steadfast in its faith in the face of persecution. Alongside these commemorative events, a broad literature blossomed intent on proving that there was no starting point to the French Reformation which instead descended from early Christianity through a long line of witnesses, such as the Vaudois and the Albigensians. This idea had initially emerged in the second half of the sixteenth century but was rejected a century later, it was however revived in the nineteenth century in a spirit of nationalist and regionalist revival. In the context of Franco-German rivalry, the theory gave rise to the claim that the Reformation in France was purely autochthonous and entirely independent from Luther. Nowadays, in the light of the impossibility of identifying a single clear origin for the French Reformation, emphasis is instead laid on significant moments in the history of French Protestantism.
Ce volume s’intéresse au vécu et aux représentations des protestants, principalement français, du XVIe siècle au XVIIIe siècle. Le fil conducteur est une interrogation sur ce qu’est un protestant, ...sur la manière dont il se différencie, ou non, des catholiques – en dehors, bien sûr, de la participation au culte -, aussi bien dans ses croyances que dans sa vision du monde ou son apparence, et s’il y a une évolution entre les débuts de la Réforme et l’époque des Lumières. Pour cela est privilégiée une histoire qui ne s’en tient pas aux institutions, aux pratiques et aux idées ; une histoire culturelle attentive non à l’explicite mais aux impensés, à ce qu’expriment les textes, les paroles et les gestes de la manière dont on vit à une époque donnée ; une histoire non confessionnelle, qui fait du protestantisme à la fois le nom d’un patrimoine religieux à laquelle on peut se rattacher et une construction intellectuelle ; une histoire puise à des sources extrêmement variées. C’est ainsi que, en dehors de thèmes classiques (Calvin, les institutions réformées, la coexistence religieuse, les persécutions), sont aussi abordés des thèmes souvent délaissés dans l’histoire du protestantisme comme les missions, les attitudes face à la mort, le temps, la perception de la nuit, les pensées et attitudes hétérodoxes, etc. Les derniers chapitres portent sur l’historiographie du protestantisme, depuis le XVIe siècle, et de voir comment cette religion est perçue aussi bien par les protestants eux-mêmes que par la littérature contemporaine pour la jeunesse. Ces contributions reprennent des articles parus entre 1995 et 2020, la plupart repris et mis à jour. Ils révèlent ainsi l’évolution d’une recherche menée au cours de toute une carrière.
This volume focuses on the experiences and representations of Protestants, mainly French, from the 16th to the 18th century. The main thread is a questioning of what a Protestant is, how he or she ...differs from Catholics - apart, of course, from participation in worship - in his or her beliefs as well as in his or her vision of the world or appearance, and whether there is an evolution between the beginnings of the Reformation and the Enlightenment. For this reason, a history is privileged that does not limit itself to institutions, practices and ideas; a cultural history that is attentive not to the explicit but to the unimagined, to what texts, words and gestures express about the way people live at a given time; a non-denominational history, which makes Protestantism both the name of a religious heritage to which one can relate and an intellectual construction; a history that draws on extremely varied sources. Thus, in addition to the classic themes (Calvin, the Reformed institutions, religious coexistence, persecutions), themes often neglected in the history of Protestantism, such as missions, attitudes towards death, time, the perception of night, heterodox thoughts and attitudes, etc., are also addressed. The last chapters deal with the historiography of Protestantism, since the 16th century, and to see how this religion is perceived both by Protestants themselves and by contemporary literature for young people.These contributions include articles published between 1995 and 2020, most of which have been revised and updated. They thus reveal the evolution of a research carried out over a whole career.
Ce volume s’intéresse au vécu et aux représentations des protestants, principalement français, du XVIe siècle au XVIIIe siècle. Le fil conducteur est une interrogation sur ce qu’est un protestant, sur la manière dont il se différencie, ou non, des catholiques – en dehors, bien sûr, de la participation au culte -, aussi bien dans ses croyances que dans sa vision du monde ou son apparence, et s’il y a une évolution entre les débuts de la Réforme et l’époque des Lumières. Pour cela est privilégiée une histoire qui ne s’en tient pas aux institutions, aux pratiques et aux idées ; une histoire culturelle attentive non à l’explicite mais aux impensés, à ce qu’expriment les textes, les paroles et les gestes de la manière dont on vit à une époque donnée ; une histoire non confessionnelle, qui fait du protestantisme à la fois le nom d’un patrimoine religieux à laquelle on peut se rattacher et une construction intellectuelle ; une histoire puise à des sources extrêmement variées. C’est ainsi que, en dehors de thèmes classiques (Calvin, les institutions réformées, la coexistence religieuse, les persécutions), sont aussi abordés des thèmes souvent délaissés dans l’histoire du protestantisme comme les missions, les attitudes face à la mort, le temps, la perception de la nuit, les pensées et attitudes hétérodoxes, etc. Les derniers chapitres portent sur l’historiographie du protestantisme, depuis le XVIe siècle, et de voir comment cette religion est perçue aussi bien par les protestants eux-mêmes que par la littérature contemporaine pour la jeunesse.Ces contributions reprennent des articles parus entre 1995 et 2020, la plupart repris et mis à jour. Ils révèlent ainsi l’évolution d’une recherche menée au cours de toute une carrière.
« Jean Calvin étudiant à Orléans et à Bourges », paru dans Jacques Varet (dir.), Calvin. Naissance d’une pensée, Rennes/Tours, PUR/PUFR, 2012, p. 23-36.« Le jeune Calvin, un catholique malgré la ...papauté » reprend les principaux éléments de : « Calvin, un catholique malgré la papauté ? », paru dans Fabien Salesse (éd.), Le bon historien sait faire parler les silences. Hommages à Thierry Wanegffelen, Toulouse, Méridiennes, 2012, p. 133-148.« La formation des provinces synodales protestantes da...
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