The text attempts to rethink the concept of emancipation and how it is structured as political action, while describing its historical origins and how it is further understood by the three important ...political philosophers: Karl Marx, Hannah Arendt, and Jacques Rancière. All three of them – specifically and with substantial differences – understand politics as a space for political action that leads to emancipation in the name of equality. In order to determine the historical origin of the concept in more detail, the argumentation of the text rely upon its elaboration within the school of “conceptual history”, which deals with the historical semantics of terms and sees the etymology of and the change in the meaning of terms as forming a crucial basis for a contemporary cultural, conceptual, and linguistic understanding, and afterwards it links this “pre-history” with Marx’s, Arendt’s, and Rancière’s understanding of the concept of emancipation, and see how they differ and are related to each other, considering what theoretical conclusions about the concept of emancipation we can take from these relations. Particular interest is aimed at how the concept of emancipation is perceived today, who the subject of emancipation is, what the method and final goal of emancipation is, and, finally, how these understandings can help us in the present time when it seems that we need emancipation more than ever.
V Ljubljani sta med 6. in 8. 11. 2019 potekala 54. srečanje in javni posvet ALTE (Association of Language Testers in Europe). Srečanje na temo Enojezično testiranje v večjezični realnosti: jezikovne ...ideologije in njihov vpliv na jezikovno testiranje sta organizirala Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta in njen Center za slovenščino kot drugi in tuji jezik pri Oddelku za slovenistiko. V tem okviru je 8. 11. 2019 potekala okrogla miza (Bližnja) srečanja oblikovalcev jezikovne politike. Objavljamo zapis posnetka pogovora sodelujočih na dogodku.
The paper considers the possibility of rethinking and practising revolutionary politics in contemporaneity, through a look at the legacy of 20th-century revolutionary thought-practice and ...revolutionary events in the 21st century, which experiment with the constitution of revolutionary power without seizing the governmental power. Going from the historical situation, that the revolution “eats its children”, I argue that a true revolution does not mean taking power, but on the contrary, abolishing the instance of concentrated power. The revolution must be reconceived and put on the map of history as an emancipatory process of establishing a policy of equality, which is the creation of a universal space of politics for ‘all’ or ‘anyone’ without the Other. This presupposes the conceptualisation and redefinition of the revolutionary subject, the revolutionary method, and the revolutionary organization.
The text offers a reflection on the possibility of revolutionary politics today, a time of the crisis of politics. I assume that the revolutions so far have only been changing subjects on the ...positions of power, while leaving the very structure of power itself unchanged. I claim that a real revolution does not mean the takeover of power (position), but exactly the opposite, which is the abolition of the instance of power. It should be reinvented as such and put on the historical map as an emancipatory process of establishing the politics of equality, i.e. of creating a universal- non-etatist, non-representative, non-identitarian-space of politics "for all", "for anybody", "for whoever", without the Other. I am questioning the possibilities for such a revolution that critically -through thought-practice-remodels interpersonal relations, the political community and the relation to the world, including nature, animals, and resources. To achieve this, the invention and redefinition of the revolutionary subject, methods, and organization is necessary.
The text rethinks the emancipatory potential of the movements engaged in the uprisings during 2012–2013, the most powerful in the history of the independent Slovenia. Regardless of their ...organisational form, time of occurrence or number of members, what is in focus is their understanding of politics and the potential to establish strategies for political operation. The author derives from the fundamental axiom that serious consideration of politics necessarily involves consideration of the basic radical equality among people that is emancipatory politics. The analysis is based on interviews with 19 movements that were active during the uprisings and shows some tensions between those who were active are within the paradigm of ‘the possible’, where politics is understood as a rule, and those in the field of ‘the impossible’ that is inventing spaces for politics based on radical equality beyond the struggle for power.
Prispevek premišljuje emancipatorni potencial gibanj v vstajah 2012–2013, najbolj silovitih v zgodovini samostojne Slovenije. Ne glede na njihovo organizacijsko obliko (iniciativa, kolektiv, ...neformalno združenje, društvo, zavod, politična stranka …), čas nastanka ali številčnost je v središču predvsem njihovo razumevanje politike in potencial za razvoj strategij za politično delovanje. Pri tem avtorica izhajam iz temeljnega aksioma, da resen premislek o politiki nujno vključuje premislek o temeljni radikalni enakosti med ljudmi, to je politiki emancipacije, ki ji je inherentna egalitarna norma. Analiza temelji na intervjujih s sogovorniki iz 19 gibanj, aktivnih v času vstaj, in pokaže na nasprotja, ki so se vzpostavila med gibanji znotraj paradigme »možnega«, kjer je politika razumljena kot vladavina, in tista na področju »nemožnega«, to je izumljanja prostorov politike, ki bi temeljili na radikalni enakosti onkraj boja za oblast.
Tekst razmatra emancipacijski potencijal prosvjeda u Sloveniji (2012.–2013.). Ti se prosvjedi mogu promatrati kao lokalna manifestacija globalnog fenomena, koji se često susreće diljem
svijeta. ...Oslanjajući se na Badiouovo razumijevanje univerzalnog, prosvjedi u Sloveniji mogu se promatrati kao pojedinačni impuls univerzalne borbe potlačenih, ili, Rancièreovim riječima, »neubrojenih«. U vremenu koje Badiou opisuje kao »kapitalo parlamentarizam«, ovaj impuls otvara temeljna politička pitanja: problem pravednosti, jednakosti i života u zajednici. U radu se fokusiram na posebnu skupinu pobunjenika koji su sa svojim zahtjevima, sloganima i aktivnostima radikalizirali čitav proces pobune, gurajući ga u smjeru istinske politike jednakosti, te otvorili prostor stvarne političke subjektivacije, zahvaljujući razumijevanju i praksi politike kao pojedinačnog zahtjeva za univerzalnom valjanošću tvrdnji.
Projekt Socialna in solidarnostna ekonomija kot razvojni pristop k trajnosti v Evropskem letu za razvoj 2015 in naprej (SSEDAS),1 je bil namenjen krepitvi kompetenc razvojnih in socialnoekonomskih ...mrež na 55 ozemljih (46 v Evropi in devet zunaj nje), natančneje v 32 državah sveta, od tega v 23 članicah EU2 in devetih državah Latinske Amerike, Afrike in Azije (Brazilija, Bolivija, Urugvaj, Tunizija, Mavricij, Mozambik, Indija, Malezija, Palestina).
The article is trying to propose some of the starting points to rethinking some of the crucial elements of politics such as the emancipation potential of people, radical equality/democracy and just ...social order in the recent time of so-called global financial crisis, which is a direct consequence of the global, vulgar post-Fordist neo-liberal hegemony, through which the global market firmly established itself and introduced the market logic into all spheres of life - including. life itself! - while transforming the proletariat (the working class) into the precariat (the imperiled class living in uncertainty). The text is critically re-questioning the concepts of state, sovereignty and (consensual) democracy, i.e. the concepts that are taken for granted and considered unchangeable and finite, and consequently is raises the question of a (new) political subject and the ways to resist the brutal capital-driven system which, by producing and maintaining inequality, exploitation and control, with people having value only as cheap workforce or commodities, sustains the creation and preservation of global governance. Another related question proceeding from it is the question of (parliamentary) representation, advocacy or (Leftist) party organization. What has become of the idea of the (socialist) Left, which proverbially and historically worked towards justice, solidarity and equality? At the time of its total disintegration and the overwhelming domination of the Right, which is also or primarily, enabled by the Left itself the article suggesting the re-thinking of the Marxist, socialist and communist ideas in a new political context.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
BFBNIB, DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
10.
Meje identitete Zdravkovic, Lana
Razprave in gradivo - Institut za narodnostna vprasanja (1990),
06/2015
74
Journal Article
Recenzirano
The text, referring to Étienne Balibar critically reflects the notion of the state as the nation-state (with all its postulates: nationalism, borders, citizenship and with one dominant national ...(national-ethnic) identity and all the others that adapt to it) as the last, the best and the only possible form of the formation of society. In a situation where the national (if not ethnic) identity became the prototype of the identity as such, theoretical discourse is often confused and goes either in blindly defending the concept of nationalism and nation (national citizenship, identity, tradition, culture and social policies in the national context) or in another extreme of "overcoming the borders of the national" through supranational institutions or transnational processes that are formulated exclusively on the basis of the vulgar exploitative global "new market economy", ecological unawareness or internationalization of cultural models. In the text I proceed on the basis that none of these methods is good and I claim, relying on Jacques Rancière, that the real process of emancipation is generated not in the consolidation of identity but just on its borders.
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