Samenvatting
In dit artikel beschrijven wij een patiënt met een testosteron producerende metastase, die werd ontdekt tijdens de follow-up van een prostaatcarcinoom. De patiënt in deze casus had in ...zijn voorgeschiedenis een Leydig-celtumor, waarvoor hij een radicale orchidectomie rechts had ondergaan. Kort daarop werd hij gediagnosticeerd met prostaatcarcinoom. Behandeling bestond uit radicale prostatectomie en bekkenklierdissectie. Voor het recidief prostaatcarcinoom werd hij aanvullend behandeld met radiotherapie op prostaatfossa en bekkenklierstations in combinatie met drie jaar hormonale behandeling. Het testosterongehalte gedurende de hormonale therapie steeg fors. Bij verder onderzoek en chirurgisch ingrijpen bleek er sprake van een testosteron producerende Leydig-celtumormetastase in het retroperitoneum.
Relationships between the use of evaluation research in the legislative setting & factors influencing use, particularly in the health policy area, were studied using data from telephone interviews ...with 100 US Congressional staff members who address health issues. Findings show that although General Accounting Office studies were identified more frequently, respondents did not use them any more extensively than other studies, & did not perceive them to be any more timely, credible, or relevant than other studies. Amount of policy conflict & relevance of the report to Congress had no independent effect on reported use, but proper timing of a report consistently had a significant effect on amount of reported use. Differences in use factors between Congressional members & staffers were also found. 8 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.
This paper uses a version of the Bergstrom/Goodman median voter model to examine whether there are aspects of publicness to public school music. It also examines whether the provision of public ...school music is an example of the ability of small groups to seek benefits for themselves at the expense of larger groups. School music programs provide a unique setting in which it is possible to separate the demand for school music programs by the consumers of school music (the private beneficiaries) from the demand for school music programs by those who do not directly consume the product. If those who are not direct consumers of music programs appear to value school music programs as a public good, their valuation cannot be confused with a jointly consumed private good, or consumption of a private good with scale economies, because they are not themselves consuming it as a private good. Using data from the 1987 Schools and Staffing Survey, the results from a logarithmic, normative, demand model show that (parents of) nonmusic students appear to value music programs as a public good. Once it is provided for music students, additional proportions of nonmusic students do not demand additional music classes. In that model, music students appear to value music classes as a private good. In the positive, additive, demand model, more music students mean that more music classes will be provided. Further, since music is valued as a non-subtractable public good whose costs can easily be spread, increasing numbers of non-music students also result in (slightly) more music classes. The method can be used to estimate the publicness of publicly provided goods whenever it is possible to separate the direct beneficiaries of the good from those who could only value its externalities. The model seems particularly applicable to studying the extent to which defense is valued as a quasi-private good by the concentrated defense industry; and whether it is also valued as a public good by citizen/voters with no connection to the defense industry. It may also be useful for investigating still unsettled questions regarding the publicness of publicly provided education.
A repeated finding in political science is the influence of a representative's so-called ideology on roll call voting in the U.S. House and Senate. Many of these studies attempt explicitly to ...separate the impact on roll call voting of "personal" ideology from that of constituency ideological preferences. In these studies, personal ideology is viewed as a form of shirking in which members pursue their own policy preferences rather than those of their constituents. This paper shows, at least for the case of defense in the Senate in the 1980s, that the evidence is sufficient to reject the claim that shirking represents the consumption of personal ideological policy preferences. Instead, the apparent impact of shirking on defense voting was an instrumental, reelection-oriented response to President Reagan's ability to muster popular support for his defense build up, and thus cannot be regarded as shirking at all.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
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