The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a ...time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.
After the breakup of relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites in 1948, Yugoslavia began to turn to Western countries, seeking not only formal but also informal ties for connecting with ...them, especially in the economic field. Italian financier Camillo Castiglioni seemed like a good choice for the role of unofficial mediator, especially because of the contacts he had with US financial circles. During 1949, the Yugoslavs hired him as an informal mediator for negotiations with the Export-Import Bank of the United States, in order to obtain a loan from this banking institution. An agreement was signed with him, in which he was promised an adequate reward for mediation. Since at the same time the official representatives of Yugoslavia and the United States were involved in the loan negotiations, and because of the indignation of the Americans over Castiglioni’s role, Belgrade quickly gave up his services. For his engagement, Castiglioni received compensation from Yugoslavia in the form of money and goods (hemp), which referred only to the costs of mediation, but did not include the promised commission. Taking advantage of the fact that he could not get the promised amount of money from the sale of hemp, Castiglioni initiated a lawsuit against Yugoslavia in an Italian court in 1951 and demanded that he be paid the difference in money, and also the amount of the promised commission. Although the court ruled in his favor that same year, Yugoslavia did not recognize the court’s decision. The next few years passed on the one hand in Castiglioni’s efforts to execute the court verdict and collect the claims, and on the other hand in the attempts of state officials in Belgrade and Rome to find a compromise solution that would satisfy the Yugoslavs. This included offers for a settlement, proposals for arbitration of an international court, and the like. The trial and the execution of the verdict took place at a time when Italy and Yugoslavia were trying to unravel the complicated knot of Trieste, so the Castiglioni case was also influenced by the situation in bilateral relations. Finally, in 1955, Castiglioni managed to collect the requested amount, which was paid off by the Italian state as a part of a broader Yugoslav-Italian agreement on war reparations.
The paper analyzes the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church Municipality in Trieste (SOCM) in Yugoslav-Italian relations in the period from the signing of the London Memorandum in 1954 to the early ...1970s. In that period, the SOCM president Dragoljub Vurdelja, an anti-communist and an opponent of socialist Yugoslavia, had a decisive role. Yugoslavia perceived the SOCM under Vurdelja‘s leadership as a center of anti-Yugoslav propaganda, so it sought to take control over this church community. To that end, Yugoslavia raised this issue in its relations with Italy and used all available diplomatic means to persuade this country to remove Vurdelja from Trieste. However, the improvement in relations between the SOCM and Yugoslavia began only after Dragoljub Vurdelja died in 1971.
The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a ...time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.
The Serbo-Albanian Bank was founded at Cetinje in 1922, at the time Yugoslav-Albanian diplomatic relations were established, with the purpose of opening its branch offices in Albania in order to ...contribute to closer economic relations between the two neighbouring countries. The Bank was unable to achieve its goal in the first two years of operation, as it had not obtained the necessary licenses from the Albanian authorities. The branch office in Scutari was opened only in early 1925. Another topical issue at the time was the creation of the Albanian National Bank as the central monetary institution that would function as a regulator of the entire economic life of Albania. Supported by the Yugoslav state, the Serbo-Albanian Bank planned its transformation into an Albanian central bank, but without success.
Namely, it was Italian capital that assumed a leading role in the Albanian National Bank founded in September 1925. In spite of this failure, the branch office of the Serbo-Albanian Bank commenced its operations in Albania. Under its roof, it set up the Privileged Trading Agency, and expressed interest in obtaining exploration and excavation concessions for the copper mine in the region of Puka in northern Albania. It was granted the concession by the Albanian government, but failed to set up a copper exploitation company. Facing numerous difficulties, the major of which was lack of the necessary cash for operation and significant business losses in Albania, the branch office was closed in 1927, pursuant to the decision of the Cetinje headquarters.
У раду се анализира улога коју је српска политичка емиграција у Сједињеним Америчким Државама имала у југословенско‒америчким односима током 70-их година. Деловање српске политичке емиграције против ...социјалистичке Југославије представљало је хронични проблем у односима између две државе. У првој половини ове декаде, за време председника Никсона и Форда, САД нису показивале много разумевања за југословенске захтеве да се онемогући деловање ове емиграције на америчком тлу. Доласком Картерове администрације у другој половини 70-их однос према овом проблему се променио. Како би додатно унапредиле сарадњу са Југославијом, САД су са много више одлучности приступиле решавању овог сложеног питања.
The paper analyzes the role that Serbian political emigration in the United States of America had in Yugoslav-American relations during the 1970s. The action of Serbian political emigration against ...Socialist Yugoslavia was a chronic problem in the relations between the two countries. In the first half of this decade, during the terms of Presidents Nixon and Ford, the U.S. didn’t show understanding for the Yugoslav demands to prevent the acting of this emigration on American soil. With the arrival of the Carter administration in the second half of the 70s, the attitude towards this problem changed. In order to further improve cooperation with Yugoslavia, the U.S.A. approached solving this complex issue with more determination. The result of scientific research in this paper shows that at the end of the 1970s, there was a change in the policy of the American administration towards Serbian political emigration in America.
The process of renewing relations between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and the Communist Party of Italy began in the second half of 1955 and was connected with the establishment of ...political relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. The Italian communists were cautious in accepting the policy of Soviet-Yugoslav reconciliation. Open disagreement with this policy was shown by the leadership of the Communist Party of the Free Territory of Trieste, headed by Vittorio Vidali that remained consistent to its anti-Yugoslav position taken after the Informbureau (Cominform) Resolution of 1948. After several preparatory meetings between ICP and LCY, that marked the end of 1955 and first half of 1956, the renewal of relations took place after the visit of Palmiro Togliatti, General Secretary of ICP, to Belgrade at the end of May 1956. Togliatti was the first leader of a West European communist party to visit Yugoslavia after the Informbureau Resolution of 1948. At that moment, the stands of ICP and LCY were very close because of Tito's efforts to renew party relations with the Soviet and other communist parties without Yugoslavia joining the east block' but to cooperate with all communist parties on a bilateral basis - coincided with the efforts of ICP to revive the idea of establishing its own Italian road to socialism. After Togliatti's visit to Belgrade the process of reconciliation between the two parties continued at the beginning of October the same year when an official delegation of ICP visited Yugoslavia due to an earlier agreement. The visit was mutually assessed as successful. The renewal of inter-party relations was not even undermined by the turbulent events in Hungary that took place during October and November 1956. In the following period the issue that remained open was connected with the activity of Communist Party of the Free Territory of Trieste, that is, the activities of its leader Vidali. The Yugoslavs tried to influence ICP to change the anti-Yugoslav stands of the communists from Trieste. The shift took place only after CPFTT was incorporated into the ICP as an autonomous Trieste Federation of the Italian Communist Party.
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