Komparativna politika u Hrvatskoj prošla je faze početnog razvoja i institucionalizacije. Od svog osnivanja 1962. Fakultet političkih znanosti u Zagrebu glavna je znanstvena i visokoobrazovna ...institucija za političku znanost u Hrvatskoj te se komparativna politika u hrvatskoj političkoj znanosti primarno razvijala i institucionalizirala na njemu. U prva četiri desetljeća postojanja Fakulteta sporadično su se provodila istraživanja i objavljivali znanstveni radovi o stranim politikama te to razdoblje smatramo fazom početnog razvoja komparativne politike. Osnivanje Odsjeka za komparativnu politiku na Fakultetu 2004. godine označilo je početak sustavnog rada na njezinu daljnjem razvoju kroz znanstvena istraživanja i nastavu na studiju politologije. To je omogućilo institucionalizaciju poddiscipline koju analiziramo uz pomoć teorijskog koncepta Gabrielle Ilonszki s pet značajki institucionalizacije: identitetom, autonomijom, reprodukcijom, legitimnosti i stabilnosti. Na temelju te analize donosimo zaključke o tome kakvo je stanje komparativne politike na Fakultetu političkih znanosti u Zagrebu 2022., 60 godina nakon osnivanja Fakulteta i 18 godina nakon osnivanja Odsjeka.
Comparative politics in Croatia has had two phases of development: initial development and institutionalization. Since its establishment in 1962, the Faculty of Political Sciences in Zagreb has been the main scientific and higher education institution for political science in Croatia, and the development and institutionalization of comparative politics in Croatian political science were primarily carried out there. In the first four decades of the Faculty’s existence, there were sporadic researches and publications of scientific papers on foreign policies, and we consider that period as the phase of the initial development of comparative politics. The establishment of the Department of Comparative Politics at the Faculty in 2004 marked the beginning of the systematic work on further development of comparative politics through scientific research and teaching of this subdiscipline in the study program of political science. This enabled the institutionalization of the subdiscipline, and we analyse it using Gabriela Ilonszki’s theoretical concept with five institutionalization properties: identity, autonomy, reproduction, legitimacy and stability. Based on this analysis, we make conclusions about the state of comparative politics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb in 2022, 60 years after the establishment of the Faculty and 18 years after the establishment of the Department.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
The recent surge of genuinely new parties (GNPs) in Central and Eastern Europe has made the political environment of prime ministers (PMs) more difficult, by increasing uncertainty in coalition ...governance. We explore the survival strategies of PMs when dealing with GNPs in government. Focusing on cases from Croatia and Slovenia, we demonstrate that patterns of PM survival do not systematically differ depending on whether the PM comes from GNPs or established parties. Rather, PMs employed various strategies of cabinet conflict management and reshuffling party governments, with effective party leadership identified as the crucial factor for PMs to remain in office.
This article focuses on the politics of electoral system change and its effects on the process of democratic consolidation in Croatia. After the first decade of democratisation when electoral rules ...were strategically engaged in order to secure one-party domination, the consensual introduction of proportional representation in 1999 marked the start of the full-scale consolidation of democracy. However, after only a decade, when faced with strong pressure caused by a deep economic recession and omnipresent political corruption, democracy in Croatia started to deteriorate, followed by significantly lower levels of trust in representative institutions and widespread citizen disaffection with the functioning of democracy. The proportional representation system was identified as the main cause of the crisis of Croatian democracy, raising strong critical voices asking for its reform or even replacement. The Croatian case thus shows that the interplay between electoral institutions and democratic (de)consolidation is far from being straightforward.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, OILJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
This article explores the concept of open election data, as a specific type of institutional open data. Transparency of electoral procedures, as the most fundamental democratic process, is crucial ...for the legitimacy of democratic political systems. By providing detailed information on electoral processes in open formats for the re-use of the general public, open election data provide an additional democratic dimension for contemporary democracies. The aim of this article is to assess the state of open election data comparatively and in Croatia. The analytical findings suggest that the availability of open election data in most of the countries included is rather limited in scope, with significant cross-national and within-country variations. Numerous countries make only election results, political party and candidate registration lists and polling station information available in open formats, while other types of election data cannot be accessed in machine-readable forms.
The last decade saw a rise in the use of direct democracy in Croatia. The proliferation of citizens' initiatives and referendums was meant to activate politically passive citizens and to strengthen ...their role as controllers of the executive. Our research, based on the qualitative analysis of the legal framework on citizens' initiatives and referendums in Croatia, as well as post-2010 initiatives, showed that this was not the case. Instead, political and social entrepreneurs, both long established, like trade unions, and newly formed, like conservative civil society organizations, used the tools of direct democracy to promote their particular anti-minority, anti-government or anti-establishment agendas. They succeeded in both constraining the power of the elite through the process of getting to the referendum and wresting control over the agenda-setting process post hoc. The added value of this paper lies in showing that citizens' initiatives can succeed in getting their demands met even when they are not successful in organizing referendums, which is due to weaknesses in the legal framework surrounding referendums and initiatives.
U posljednjih deset godina učestala je uporaba instituta izravne demo- kracije u Hrvatskoj. Pretpostavlja se kako bi povećanje broja građanskih inicijativa i referenduma trebalo potaknuti značajnije aktiviranje politički pasivnog građanstva i ojačati njegovu ulogu kontrolora izvršne vlasti. Naše istraživanje, utemeljeno na kvalitativnoj analizi pravnog okvira koji uređuje pitanja referenduma i građanskih inicijativa u Hrvatskoj i samih inicijativa nakon 2010, pokazalo je da nije tako. Politički i društveni poduzetnici – bilo da je riječ o etabliranim akterima, poput sindikata, bilo o novim akterima, poput konzervativnih udruga civilnog društva – koristili su mehanizme izravne demokracije kako bi promicali partikularne interese utemeljene na agendama usmjerenima protiv manjina, vlade i političkog establishmenta. Ti su akteri uspjeli zauzdati moć vlade, odnosno političke elite ante hoc, i ograničiti njezin monopol u kontroli dnevnog reda post hoc. Postojećoj literaturi o tim temama ovaj rad pridonosi tako što pokazuje kako se zbog slabosti u pravnom normiranju građanske inicijative vlada, odnosno političke elite mogu natjerati da pristanu na uvjete inicijatora čak i onda kada je inicijativa neuspješna u svojemu izvornom naumu – održavanju referenduma o nekom pitanju.
Croatia Nikić Čakar, Dario; Raos, Višeslav
European journal of political research. Political data yearbook,
12/2015, Letnik:
54, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Earlier studies on party membership in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) led to the conclusion that political parties in new democracies are not inclined to build strong party organisations or invest ...in recruiting members. However, several recent individual country studies point to the opposite conclusions, indicating that there are significant cross ‑country variations in party membership figures across the post ‑communist region. By using a unique dataset on party membership in post ‑communist Europe, in this article we argue that the average membership level in CEE seems to be higher than in Western Europe. This holds true even when party membership figures for CEE countries are ‘corrected’ after conducting validity and reliability tests. Furthermore, we also find that party membership figures across CEE countries vary to a much higher degree than in established Western democracies. Our analysis shows that former Yugoslav countries are clustered at the top and other CEE countries at the bottom, leading to the conclusion that selection bias has been present in many studies on party membership that only included a limited number of post ‑communist countries. In order to explain higher levels of party membership in post ‑Yugoslav countries, we test three sets of explanatory variables, namely socialism, nationalism and clientelism. This exploratory study suggests that nationalist movements from the early period of transition, coupled with clientelistic politics, could serve as the most convincing explanation of high membership density in former Yugoslav countries.
Comparative politics in Croatia has had two phases of development: initial development and institutionalization. Since its establishment in 1962, the Faculty of Political Sciences in Zagreb has been ...the main scientific and higher education institution for political science in Croatia, and the development and institutionalization of comparative politics in Croatian political science were primarily carried out there. In the first four decades of the Faculty’s existence, there were sporadic researches and publications of scientific papers on foreign policies, and we consider that period as the phase of the initial development of comparative politics. The establishment of the Department of Comparative Politics at the Faculty in 2004 marked the beginning of the systematic work on further development of comparative politics through scientific research and teaching of this subdiscipline in the study program of political science. This enabled the institutionalization of the subdiscipline, and we analyse it using Gabriela Ilonszki’s theoretical concept with five institutionalization properties: identity, autonomy, reproduction, legitimacy and stability. Based on this analysis, we make conclusions about the state of comparative politics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb in 2022, 60 years after the establishment of the Faculty and 18 years after the establishment of the Department.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
U posljednjih deset godina učestala je uporaba instituta izravne demo- kracije u Hrvatskoj. Pretpostavlja se kako bi povećanje broja građanskih inicijativa i referenduma trebalo potaknuti značajnije ...aktiviranje politički pasivnog građanstva i ojačati njegovu ulogu kontrolora izvršne vlasti. Naše istraživanje, utemeljeno na kvalitativnoj analizi pravnog okvira koji uređuje pitanja referenduma i građanskih inicijativa u Hrvatskoj i samih inicijativa nakon 2010, pokazalo je da nije tako. Politički i društveni poduzetnici – bilo da je riječ o etabliranim akterima, poput sindikata, bilo o novim akterima, poput konzervativnih udruga civilnog društva – koristili su mehanizme izravne demokracije kako bi promicali partikularne interese utemeljene na agendama usmjerenima protiv manjina, vlade i političkog establishmenta. Ti su akteri uspjeli zauzdati moć vlade, odnosno političke elite ante hoc, i ograničiti njezin monopol u kontroli dnevnog reda post hoc. Postojećoj literaturi o tim temama ovaj rad pridonosi tako što pokazuje kako se zbog slabosti u pravnom normiranju građanske inicijative vlada, odnosno političke elite mogu natjerati da pristanu na uvjete inicijatora čak i onda kada je inicijativa neuspješna u svojemu izvornom naumu – održavanju referenduma o nekom pitanju.
The last decade saw a rise in the use of direct democracy in Croatia. The proliferation of citizens' initiatives and referendums was meant to activate politically passive citizens and to strengthen ...their role as controllers of the executive. Our research, based on the qualitative analysis of the legal framework on citizens' initiatives and referendums in Croatia, as well as post-2010 initiatives, showed that this was not the case. Instead, political and social entrepreneurs, both long established, like trade unions, and newly formed, like conservative civil society organizations, used the tools of direct democracy to promote their particular anti-minority, anti-government or anti-establishment agendas. They succeeded in both constraining the power of the elite through the process of getting to the referendum and wresting control over the agenda-setting process post hoc. The added value of this paper lies in showing that citizens' initiatives can succeed in getting their demands met even when they are not successful in organizing referendums, which is due to weaknesses in the legal framework surrounding referendums and initiatives.
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