Republikanizam i liberalizam kao temelji Moderne izloženi su u svojoj isprepletenosti
i uvjetovanosti kako ona dolazi do izražaja u koncepciji deliberativne
demokracije Jurgena Habermasa. Najprije su ...oba pojma sažeto određena;
republikanizam naglašava načelo kreposti i zajedništva, liberalizam otkriva
slobodu pojedinca i pojedinih područja kao temeljnu točku razvitka slobodarskog
poretka. Zatim se pokazuje kako Habermas u pojmu deliberativne
demokracije povezuje liberalizam i republikanizam kao neodvojive dijelove
modernog političkog poretka. Naposljetku se prikazuje kako Habermas upotrebljava
taj pojam u analizi Europske unije, odnosno u analizi mogućnosti
deliberativne demokracije u prostoru europeizacije i globalizacije. Zaključno
se ustvrđuje da je u perspektivi europeizacije i globalizacije djelotvorna moć
republikanizma izrazito smanjena, a moć neoliberalnih tendencija narasla s
izrazito fatalnim posljedicama.
Celotno besedilo
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Republicanism and liberalism, as foundations of Modernity, are presented in terms of how they are interconnected and condition one another, as expressed in the conception of Jürgen Habermas' ...deliberative democracy. Firstly, both concepts are concisely defined; republicanism stresses the principle of virtue and community, while liberalism reveals the freedom of the individual and of particular provinces as the basic point in the development of a free order. Secondly, the author shows how Habermas links the two in the concept of deliberative democracy as inseparable parts of the modern political order. After that, the way is discussed in which Habermas uses the concept in his analysis of the European Union, i.e. of the possibility of deliberative democracy in the space of Europeization and globalization. The author concludes that, viewed from the perspective of Europeization and globalization, the effective potency of republicanism has become significantly reduced, while the potency of neoliberal tendencies has grown, with decidedly fatal consequences. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Republicanism and liberalism, as foundations of Modernity, are presented in terms of how they are interconnected and condition one another, as expressed in the conception of Jürgen Habermas' ...deliberative democracy. Firstly, both concepts are concisely defined; republicanism stresses the principle of virtue and community, while liberalism reveals the freedom of the individual and of particular provinces as the basic point in the development of a free order. Secondly, the author shows how Habermas links the two in the concept of deliberative democracy as inseparable parts of the modern political order. After that, the way is discussed in which Habermas uses the concept in his analysis of the European Union, i.e. of the possibility of deliberative democracy in the space of Europeization and globalization. The author concludes that, viewed from the perspective of Europeization and globalization, the effective potency of republicanism has become significantly reduced, while the potency of neoliberal tendencies has grown, with decidedly fatal consequences. Reprinted by permission of Fakultet politickih znanosti u Zagrebu
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Philosophy of politics is currently going through an extremely grave crisis. The crisis of the political is apparent everywhere. Political interpretation in the conditions of the contemporary age is ...seriously shaken. This in turn brings into question the segment of society which is an essential part of the cultural identity of the West. One might say that, throughout the 20th century, no one inquired into the position of politics as thoroughly as Hannah Arendt. Her major contribution had to do with understanding the relation between philosophy and the application of its principles in politics, and her basic estimation was that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics had devastating consequences. Although philosophy as metaphysics, since Plato and Hegel, contributed greatly to consideration of the political, Hannah Arendt was nonetheless of the opinion that the original sense of the political was lost in such philosophy and that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics caused the political to be forgotten. The text provides a brief outline of Plato's perception of the relation between philosophy and politics, postulating the philosophical ideal that the veritable political community (polis) must be measured according to philosophical thought, and on the basis of principles of constitution of thought itself. On the other hand, Aristotle calls upon the ethos of the existing polis, but he always analyses the political under the primacy of philosophical principles. Arendt thus deems that Aristotle also considers the relevant knowledge of the political to be philosophical. She points out that political philosophy always discriminated against opinion and variety, and consequently also against the political as such. Aristotle and Kant are partly excluded from this judgment. Since the political categories created in the philosophy of politics determine our understanding of politics to this day, Arendt subjects them to criticism. Her different understanding of the political is manifest in her analyses of the fundamental political categories (government, power, force, authority, freedom), which can be adequately grasped only on the basis of relations between people, and not of some substantial and unquestionable domain. Reprinted by permission of Fakultet politickih znanosti u Zagrebu
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Philosophy of politics is currently going through an extremely grave crisis. The crisis of the political is apparent everywhere. Political interpretation in the conditions of the contemporary age is ...seriously shaken. This in turn brings into question the segment of society which is an essential part of the cultural identity of the West. One might say that, throughout the 20th century, no one inquired into the position of politics as thoroughly as Hannah Arendt. Her major contribution had to do with understanding the relation between philosophy and the application of its principles in politics, and her basic estimation was that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics had devastating consequences. Although philosophy as metaphysics, since Plato and Hegel, contributed greatly to consideration of the political, Hannah Arendt was nonetheless of the opinion that the original sense of the political was lost in such philosophy and that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics caused the political to be forgotten. The text provides a brief outline of Plato's perception of the relation between philosophy and politics, postulating the philosophical ideal that the veritable political community (polis) must be measured according to philosophical thought, and on the basis of principles of constitution of thought itself. On the other hand, Aristotle calls upon the ethos of the existing polis, but he always analyses the political under the primacy of philosophical principles. Arendt thus deems that Aristotle also considers the relevant knowledge of the political to be philosophical. She points out that political philosophy always discriminated against opinion and variety, and consequently also against the political as such. Aristotle and Kant are partly excluded from this judgment. Since the political categories created in the philosophy of politics determine our understanding of politics to this day, Arendt subjects them to criticism. Her different understanding of the political is manifest in her analyses of the fundamental political categories (government, power, force, authority, freedom), which can be adequately grasped only on the basis of relations between people, and not of some substantial and unquestionable domain. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Republicanism and liberalism, as foundations of Modernity, are presented in terms of how they are interconnected and condition one another, as expressed in the conception of Jürgen Habermas’ ...deliberative democracy. Firstly, both concepts are concisely defined; republicanism stresses the principle of virtue and community, while liberalism reveals the freedom of the individual and of particular provinces as the basic point in the development of a free order. Secondly, the author shows how Habermas links the two in the concept of deliberative democracy as inseparable parts of the modern political order. After that, the way is discussed in which Habermas uses the concept in his analysis of the European Union, i.e. of the possibility of deliberative democracy in the space of Europeization and globalization. The author concludes that, viewed from the perspective of Europeization and globalization, the effective potency of republicanism has become significantly reduced, while the potency of neoliberal tendencies has grown, with decidedly fatal consequences.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Philosophy of politics is currently going through an extremely grave crisis. The crisis of the political is apparent everywhere. Political interpretation in the conditions of the contemporary age is ...seriously shaken. This in turn brings into question the segment of society which is an essential part of the cultural identity of the West. One might say that, throughout the 20th century, no one inquired into the position of politics as thoroughly as Hannah Arendt. Her major contribution had to do with understanding the relation between philosophy and the application of its principles in politics, and her basic estimation was that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics had devastating consequences. Although philosophy as metaphysics, since Plato and Hegel, contributed greatly to consideration of the political, Hannah Arendt was nonetheless of the opinion that the original sense of the political was lost in such philosophy and that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics caused the political to be forgotten. The text provides a brief outline of Plato’s perception of the relation between philosophy and politics, postulating the philosophical ideal that the veritable political community (polis) must be measured according to philosophical thought, and on the basis of principles of constitution of thought itself. On the other hand, Aristotle calls upon the ethos of the existing polis, but he always analyses the political under the primacy of philosophical principles. Arendt thus deems that Aristotle also considers the relevant knowledge of the political to be philosophical. She points out that political philosophy always discriminated against opinion and variety, and consequently also against the political as such. Aristotle and Kant are partly excluded from this judgment. Since the political categories created in the philosophy of politics determine our understanding of politics to this day, Arendt subjects them to criticism. Her different understanding of the political is manifest in her analyses of the fundamental political categories (government, power, force, authority, freedom), which can be adequately grasped only on the basis of relations between people, and not of some substantial and unquestionable domain.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
8.
Od Hanne Arendt do Aristotela Posavec, Zvonko
Politička misao,
06/2011, Letnik:
48, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Conference Proceeding
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The author retraces the steps that brought Paanin to the practical philosophy which he went on to constantly advocate and elaborate. He got the key stimulus from Hannah Arendt and her work Vita ...activa. The latter is based on an analysis of three forms of life - theoretical, practical and poietic. Paanin establishes very studiously a connection between activity (practice) and political life, and he shows that neither scientific-technical insights nor pure philosophical speculation can be substitutes for practice. In the author's judgement, credit belongs to Paanin for pointing out the distinctiveness of practical political activity. On the other hand, he deems that it is not enough to be satisfied with mere rehabilitation of Aristotle. Instead, in view of the situation in the modern world, it is also necessary to construct the concept of the political. Paanin did not perceive this endeavour, in the strict sense, as part of his task. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
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Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
The author retraces the steps that brought Pazanin to the practical philosophy which he went on to constantly advocate and elaborate. He got the key stimulus from Hannah Arendt and her work Vita ...activa. The latter is based on an analysis of three forms of life - theoretical, practical and poietic. Pazanin establishes very studiously a connection between activity (practice) and political life, and he shows that neither scientific-technical insights nor pure philosophical speculation can be substitutes for practice. In the author's judgement, credit belongs to Pazanin for pointing out the distinctiveness of practical political activity. On the other hand, he deems that it is not enough to be satisfied with mere rehabilitation of Aristotle. Instead, in view of the situation in the modern world, it is also necessary to construct the concept of the political. Pazanin did not perceive this endeavour, in the strict sense, as part of his task. Reprinted by permission of Fakultet politickih znanosti u Zagrebu
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
The author retraces the steps that brought Pažanin to the practical philosophy which he went on to constantly advocate and elaborate. He got the key stimulus from Hannah Arendt and her work Vita ...activa. The latter is based on an analysis of three forms of life – theoretical, practical and poietic. Pažanin establishes very studiously a connection between activity (practice) and political life, and he shows that neither scientific-technical insights nor pure philosophical speculation can be substitutes for practice. In the author’s judgement, credit belongs to Pažanin for pointing out the distinctiveness of practical political activity. On the other hand, he deems that it is not enough to be satisfied with mere rehabilitation of Aristotle. Instead, in view of the situation in the modern world, it is also necessary to construct the concept of the political. Pažanin did not perceive this endeavour, in the strict sense, as part of his task.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
