DEVELOPMENT OF LITHUANIAN ADJECTIVES WITH THE SUFFIX *-lo-SummaryA lot of traits of archaic merger of the adjective suffixes *-lo-, *-no- and *-ro- have been attested in Lithuanian, cf. Lith. ...leĩ-las ‘slender, slim, thin’ (Latv. liels ‘big’), Lith. leĩnas ‘thin, flexible’ (OIc. linr, MIr. lían ‘soft’) and Gk. λειρός ‘lean, thin; pole; weak’; Lith. tuk-lùs, tùk-nas, tuk-nùs and tuk-rùs ‘fat’. The synonymic usage of derivatives with -lus (-ì) and -nus (-ì) is especially characteristic of Lithuanian, cf. kim-lùs (-ì) and kim-nùs (-ì) ‘hoorse, raucous’, patrauk-lùs (-ì) and patrauk-nùs (-ì) ‘attractive, winning’ a. o.On the other hand, in Lithuanian deverbal adjectives with the old suffix -las (-a) are going to become extinct under the press of very productive corresponding derivatives with the derivational ending -us (-i). A little more new adjectives are formed with -lus (-i) (i. e. with u-stem variant of the old suffix -las) but the great part of them have equivalents in -us (-i), cf. dyg-lùs (-ì) and dyg-ùs (-ì) ‘mickly’ tįs-lùs (-ì) and tįs-ùs (-ì) ‘extensive, lengthy’ a. o.Very few adjectives with the suffixes, based on *-lo-, are formed from nouns in Lithuanian. Some of them also have correspondences in other Indo-European languages, cf. Lith. ak-ýlas ‘sarp-sightedlant’ : akìs ‘eye’ and Lat. cīv-īlis ‘civic, civil’ : cīvis ‘citizen’.
ONCE MORE ABOUT ORIGIN OF THE NAME KárvaičiaiSummaryIn the present paper the origin of the old village name Kárvaičai in Kuršių nerija (Kurische Nehrung) is discussed. It might has been based on the ...Baltic colour term *karvas (cf. Lith. karvus ‘bald’, Latv. karva ‘black soil; peat’), which, on one hand, is supposed to be the variant of Lith. šárvas, šìrvas/šir̃vas ‘gray’ (by postulating an interchange of consonants *k : *k’), on the other hand, it can be compared with Lith. kéršas ‘piebald, dapple’, OPruss. kirsnan (swarcz) E 460, Slav. *čьrnъ, OInd. kr̥ṣṇá- ‘black’, and side by side with Lith. karvẽlis ‘pigeon’ (it was already widespread in the 16th century) belonged to the derivational category of nomina attributiva, and had the primary meaning ‘which is bald, gray’, cf. also Lithuanian hydronyms Kar̃vė, Kar̃vis, Karvỹs, Karvedà (a part of them covers the territory inhabited by the Curronians).
ADJECTIVES WITH THE SUFFIX *-u̯o- IN LITHUANIANSummarySome Lithuanian deverbal adjectives with the pure suffix -vas (-a), based on the stem u / eu / ou (cf. Lith tę́vas, Latv tiêvs ʽthinʼ, Corn tanow ...ʽthin, gracefull; softʼ, Gk τανα(ϝ)ός ʽstretched, long; thinʼ and OInd tanúḥ ʽthin, flabby, frail, weak, insignificantʼ, OChSl tьnъ-kъ ʽthinʼ, Lat tenuis ʽthin, leanʼ), came fromLate Proto-Indo-European, cf. Lith gývas (-à) and Latv dzîvs, OPruss gijwans (lebendigen) III 437, Slav *živъ, Lat vīvus, OInd jīváḥ ʽlive, livingʼ : I-E *gu̯ei- / gu̯ī- ʽto live, becomeʼ.This derivational type is unproductive in Lithuanian. However the new extended suffix -s-vas (-a) was formed in Lithuanian, cf. Lith gel̃svas (-à) ʽyellowishʼ : gel̃sta ʽturns yellowʼ.Lithuanian substantival adjectives with the extended suffix -y-vas (-a) have some derivational parallels in other Indo-European languages, cf. Lith ankstývas (-a) : ankstùs (-ì) ʽearlyʼ, akývas ʽsharp-sighted, vigilant; frank, visual, evidentʼ : akìs ʽeyeʼ and OChSl gladivъ ʽhungryʼ : gladь ʽhungerʼ, Lat statīvus ʽstandingʼ : statio, status ʽcondition, state, standingʼ, and OInd rājīva- ʽstripedʼ : rājī́- ʽstripeʼ.
On the origin of cone termsSummaryAlgirdas Sabaliauskas (1972) on the basis of the rough copy of the maps of the Atlas of the Lithuanian language (cf. Lietuvių kalbos atlasas 1, Map 93) established, ...that čiū̃tė ‘cone’ (used in the Western part of North Low Lithuanian dialect not far from the area where kiaũlė, kiaulẽlė, kiaulìkė have the meaning of cone) is formed not from čečka, čyčka, the var r iants of Slavic borrowing šyškà (characteristic of some West High Lithuanian dialects), as Ernst Fraenkel (1955–1965, 72, 77) thought, but from onomatopoeic names of pig, cf. Lith. čiúotė, čiúotis; čiūkà, čiū̃kas, Latv. čūčis. During preparation of Atlas of the Baltic Languages the revision has been made of other cone terms in Lithuanian dialects. The greatest part of them is also formed from onomatopoeic words, cf. kukùtis (: kùkti ‘give a scream, utter’, kaũkti ‘howl, wail, hoot’), gurgùtis (: gur̃gti ‘rumble, grumble’), burkùtis (: bur̃kti ‘purr, mutter; gramble’, burkúoti ‘coo, purr’), baubùkas (: baũbti ‘moo, bellow, roar’), bū̃kas, bùkas (: baũkti ‘moo, bellow, roar; bleat, baa; shout, shriek’, bū̃kti ‘bleat, baa, moo’) a. o.In the similar way the origin of the older cone terms has been explained: Lith. kìrkužė, Latv. cirkuzis ‘cone’ (cf. Lith. kir̃kti ‘cluck; weep; croak; squeak, creak’, Latv. cir̃kstêt ‘chirp, chirr; squeak, creak’), Lith. kankórėžis ‘cone’ (cf. kañkalas ‘clapper’ and rė́žti ‘cut, curve’), Lith. skujà ‘needle; cone’, Latv. skuja ‘needle’ (cf. Lith. skuĩstas ‘bush; pine forest’, skuĩstis ‘thick-set fir-grove’; kuĩstas ‘bush’, kuĩtas, kuĩtis ‘thick-set coniferous forest’; skuĩsti ‘play pranks, be naughty, romp, rage, rave’, kuĩsti ‘rummage, ransack; dig up the ground; rush’, Latv. skuit, skuju ‘shave, scrape, peel; cut, clip; clean’).
DEVELOPMENT OF DERIVATIVES WITH THE SUFFIX *-mo-
Summary
Adjectives with the suffix *-mo- have been formed from substantives (cf. Lith. tólimas / tólymas and Latv. dial. tuôl’eims ‘distant’; Pruss. ...*auktimas ‘high’; Skr. agrimá- ‘the first, who is at the head’) and verbs (cf. Lith. dial. ãpsukmas ‘sewn round’, pliùkšmas ‘deflated, limp’; OLith. laimas ‘happy’ and Pruss. etnīstislaims (gnadenreich) III 631; Lith. liñksmas and Latv. lìksms ‘merry, gay, joyfull’, Gmc. *werma- ‘warm’, Skr. bhīmá- ‘terrible, frightfull’, Toch. A, B cämpamo- ‘well-to-do, rich’, Hitt. kišamma- ‘combed’) from the Late Proto-Indo-European. The gratest part of them became participles in the Baltic, Slavic and Albanian languages.
On the other hand, the use of derivatives with the suffix *-mo- in the position of abstract nouns is also very old, cf. semanticaly concretized and derivationaly indissoluble abstract noun, in herited from Proto-Indo-European, Lith. dmas (dmai), Latv. dũmi, Pruss. dumis (rauch) E 39, Slav. *dymъ, Latv. fūmus, Skr. dhūmó- ‘smoke’ and Gk. θῡ‑μός with abstract meaning ‘soal, vitality, passion, need’ : dhe-/dh-/dhū- ‘blow; breathe; choke; smoke; rush; disperse; whirl, move, stir’.
In the East Baltic languages abstract nouns with the derived suffixes, based on *-mo-, became productive, cf. nomina actionis with *-i-mo- in Lithuanian (cf. gyvẽnimas ‘life’) and corresponding derivatives with *-u-mo- in Latvian (cf. ìeradums ‘custom, habit’).
ON THE ORIGIN OF ADJECTIVES WITH THE SUFFIX -intelis (-ė)
Summary
Diminutives with the suffix -intelis (< -int- + -elis ), in the 16th17th centuries characteristic not only of the West Lithuanian (as ...in Modern Lithuanian) but also of the East Lithuanian dialects (cf. mažiñtelis ‘very small’ DK 716; DP l0x; SD1 76; SD3 53,163, 434; SP 129918-19, 3663), are derived from archaic *-nt- nouns (cf. Lith.vien-iñt-elis and vien-ùnt-elis ‘quite alone’ wien-uñtas ‘someone’). In Indo-European they denote some kind of attributive (cf. participles and old hydronyms, e. g. Lith. Sãlantas) and diminutive meaning (cf. Lith. balt-iñt-elis and OCzech. běl-úcí ‘very white’, also Hitt. aššuwant- : aššu- ‘good’).
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF ADJECTIVES WITH THE SUFFIXES -ingas (-a) , -inis ( -ė ) AND -iškas (-a)
Summary
Derivatives in -ingas (-a) (< *-ino- +*-g- ) were much more productive in Old Lithuanian than ...in Modern Lithuanian. In the 1 6th–17th centuries they were widely formed not only from substantives but also from adjectives (cf. dosningas MP 96; K1G 63; C I 708 : dosnùs ‘generous, liberal’), verbs (cf. geidingas ‘desirous’ SP I 35919-20 : geĩsti ‘desire’) and sometimes from participles, cf. išganytingas ‘ sa lutary’ (widely used in Old Lithuanian texts) : išganýtas ‘saved’. The same derivational features are characteric of adjectives in *-ingo- in Latvian, partly in Old Prussian and of corresponding derivatives with the suffix *-ino- in the Baltic languages.
Some Old Lithuanian adjectives in -ingas (-a) had the same meaning as their equivalents with the suffixes -inas (cf. kruvingas KN 25114 and krùvinas ‘bloody’), -inis (cf. akmeningas DP 687 and akmenìnis ‘of stones’), -iškas (dievingas SD3 232 and diẽviškas ‘divine’). Adjectives in -iškas (-a) were also semanticaly very close to derivatives in -inis (-ė) in the texts of the 16th–17th centuries, cf. example from „Ewangelie Polskie y Litewskie” (1647) by J. Jaknavičius: tewas iuʃu dungißkas (aba dunginis) peni iuos 11313 -16 .
S o in Old Lithuanian denominative derivatives in -ingas (-a), -inas ( -a ) , -inis ( -ė ) and -iškas (-a) belonged to the same derivational category of attributive adjectives. On the other hand, deverbal derivatives in -ingas (-a), -inas ( -a ) , -tinas (-a) and other deverbal adjectives can be ascribed to another derivational category – adjectives denoting actions and their results.
PDF
