The administrative practices of officials who process the admission of immigrants show severe variations in the ways in which migration policy is enforced on the ground. For the author, inequality of ...treatment lies in the very hierarchy of tasks and services of what he dubs, following Pierre Bourdieu, the immigration "field". According to the author, the governments’ securitizing priorities favour the sort of suspicion towards foreigners that the media then reproduces, thus authorizing so-called street-level bureaucrats to act with great leeway with regard to immigrants. Under pressure, governments implement what the author calls a "trompe-l’oeil policy" that explores the ambivalence between international and domestic law: while the state enforces repressive laws that apparently comply with fundamental human rights, it leaves to low-ranking civil servants enough discretion to make those rights ineffective. This point is the author’s central contention. The arbitrariness of these officials is neither contingent nor accidental: it actually constitutes a purposive "front-line policy" to enlarge the discretionary power of street-level bureaucrats in charge of regulating admissions. Unequal treatment comes in three flavours in this context. First, officials are asked to ensure that each right granted to a foreigner will not threaten the national order, which means the economic, social and political order. They are therefore in a position to judge the suitability of each application in view of their own arbitrary interpretation of what such "threats" consist of. The question of discretionary power is in this way intimately linked to the problem of equality before the law. Second, the scarcity of material and human resources allocated to services in charge of welcoming migrants starkly contrasts with the expenditure incurred to deport foreigners. Inequality also arises from how agents perceive users and the leeway they have to implement the law. Third, inequality is related to foreigners’ abilities and means to challenge discretionary power, especially through the legal tools they use or through legal intermediaries. The author thus concludes that such "front-line policy" has increasingly been used as a weapon against migrants, especially since the early 2000s, when immigration and detention policies were generalized in France. More broadly, in Europe as well as in United States, immigration reforms have made greater use of detention and focused on enforcement rather than on hosting programs and services for asylum seekers. But they have also strengthened the role of legal intermediaries. Hence the need to investigate how discretionary power is challenged as it sheds light on the power relations between states and migrants.
Keywords: foreigners, discretion, sociology, participant observation, front-line policy, illegalism, jobs, insecurity, legal intermediaries
Equal Access to the COVID-19 vaccine for all remains a major public health issue. The current study compared the prevalence of vaccination reluctance in general and COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and ...social and health factors associated with intentions to receive the vaccine. A random socio-epidemiological population-based survey was conducted in France in November 2020, in which 85,855 adults participants were included in this study. We used logistic regressions to study being "not at all in favor" to vaccination in general, and being "certainly not" willing to get vaccinated against Covid-19. Our analysis highlighted a gendered reluctance toward vaccination in general but even more so regarding vaccination against COVID-19 (OR = 1.88 (95% CI: 1.79-1.97)). We also found that people at the bottom of the social hierarchy, in terms of level of education, financial resources, were more likely to refuse the COVID-19 vaccine (from OR = 1.22 (95% CI:1.10-1.35) for respondents without diploma to OR = 0.52 (95% CI:0.47-0.57) for High school +5 or more years level). People from the French overseas departments, immigrants and descendants of immigrants, were all more reluctant to the Covid-19 vaccine (first-generation Africa/Asia immigrants OR = 1.16 (95% CI:1.04-1.30)) versus OR = 2.19 (95% CI:1.96-2.43) for the majority population). Finally, our analysis showed that those who reported not trusting the government were more likely to be Covid-19 vaccine-reluctant (OR = 3.29 (95% CI: 3.13-3.45)). Specific campaigns should be thought beforehand to reach women and people at the bottom of the social hierarchy to avoid furthering social inequalities in terms of morbidity and mortality.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
This paper shows that social inequalities are cumulative and occur at each stage of the dispute pyramid, from the identification of a conflict through to satisfaction with its outcome. Based on a ...large and original survey on ordinary people's representations of and practices within the legal system in France (N = 2,660), our study finds that an individual's contact, or lack of contact, with a legal intermediary, who may be a legal professional or a non-legal professional, has a very significant impact on the decision to take a case to court. Contact with a legal intermediary also influences the individual's satisfaction with the outcome, but not in the same way for all plaintiffs: income is a more determining factor in satisfaction with the outcome in cases where the judge makes a decision than in cases where a solution is found outside the courtroom.
Significant differences in COVID-19 incidence by gender, class and race/ethnicity are recorded in many countries in the world. Lockdown measures, shown to be effective in reducing the number of new ...cases, may not have been effective in the same way for all, failing to protect the most vulnerable populations. This survey aims to assess social inequalities in the trends in COVID-19 infections following lockdown.
A cross-sectional survey conducted among the general population in France in April 2020, during COVID-19 lockdown. Ten thousand one hundred one participants aged 18-64, from a national cohort who lived in the three metropolitan French regions most affected by the first wave of COVID-19. The main outcome was occurrence of possible COVID-19 symptoms, defined as the occurrence of sudden onset of cough, fever, dyspnea, ageusia and/or anosmia, that lasted more than 3 days in the 15 days before the survey. We used multinomial regression models to identify social and health factors related to possible COVID-19 before and during the lockdown.
In all, 1304 (13.0%; 95% CI: 12.0-14.0%) reported cases of possible COVID-19. The effect of lockdown on the occurrence of possible COVID-19 was different across social hierarchies. The most privileged class individuals saw a significant decline in possible COVID-19 infections between the period prior to lockdown and during the lockdown (from 8.8 to 4.3%, P = 0.0001) while the decline was less pronounced among working class individuals (6.9% before lockdown and 5.5% during lockdown, P = 0.03). This differential effect of lockdown remained significant after adjusting for other factors including history of chronic disease. The odds of being infected during lockdown as opposed to the prior period increased by 57% among working class individuals (OR = 1.57; 95% CI: 1.00-2.48). The same was true for those engaged in in-person professional activities during lockdown (OR = 1.53; 95% CI: 1.03-2.29).
Lockdown was associated with social inequalities in the decline in COVID-19 infections, calling for the adoption of preventive policies to account for living and working conditions. Such adoptions are critical to reduce social inequalities related to COVID-19, as working-class individuals also have the highest COVID-19 related mortality, due to higher prevalence of comorbidities.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, this article points out the effects that instances of contact with the police can produce on the relationship with this public institution. The ...quantitative analysis highlights that trust in the police depends on social variables, such as political orientation, level of resources, age, and religion, but also on the frequency of direct contact with this institution. Being summoned to a police station is significantly associated with distrust in the police, and self-initiated contacts also promote distrust toward the police. Our qualitative data, collected through participant observation and interviews, provide a further insight into these results. The interaction between the police and governed people has two dimensions that may explain the production of distrust. On the one hand, the interaction involves a relationship of domination by the police, which is manifested by a demand on the part of the police for docility from the complainants. On the other hand, it involves a relationship of service, which gives rise to an expectation of recognition on the part of governed people, an expectation that is rarely satisfied. These everyday interactions do not necessarily translate into judgments about the fairness of police officers. Such feelings of frustration and dispossession should be taken into consideration in understanding how trust is affected by these voluntary contacts.
COVID-19 limitation strategies have led to widespread school closures around the world. The present study reports children's mental health and associated factors during the COVID-19 school closure in ...France in the spring of 2020. We conducted a cross-sectional analysis using data from the SAPRIS project set up during the COVID-19 pandemic in France. Using multinomial logistic regression models, we estimated associations between children's mental health, children's health behaviors, schooling, and socioeconomic characteristics of the children's families. The sample consisted of 5702 children aged 8-9 years, including 50.2% girls. In multivariate logistic regression models, children's sleeping difficulties were associated with children's abnormal symptoms of both hyperactivity-inattention (adjusted Odds Ratio (aOR) 2.05; 95% Confidence Interval 1.70-2.47) and emotional symptoms (aOR 5.34; 95% CI 4.16-6.86). Factors specifically associated with abnormal hyperactivity/inattention were: male sex (aOR 2.29; 95% CI 1.90-2.76), access to specialized care prior to the pandemic and its suspension during school closure (aOR 1.51; 95% CI 1.21-1.88), abnormal emotional symptoms (aOR 4.06; 95% CI 3.11-5.29), being unschooled or schooled with assistance before lockdown (aOR 2.13; 95% CI 1.43-3.17), and tutoring with difficulties or absence of a tutor (aOR 3.25; 95% CI 2.64-3.99; aOR 2.47; 95% CI 1.48-4.11, respectively). Factors associated with children's emotional symptoms were the following: being born pre-term (aOR 1.34; 95% CI 1.03-1.73), COVID-19 cases among household members (aOR 1.72; 95% CI 1.08-2.73), abnormal symptoms of hyperactivity/inattention (aOR 4.18; 95% CI 3.27-5.34) and modest income (aOR 1.45; 95% CI 1.07-1.96; aOR 1.36; 95% CI 1.01-1.84). Multiple characteristics were associated with elevated levels of symptoms of hyperactivity-inattention and emotional symptoms in children during the period of school closure due to COVID-19. Further studies are needed to help policymakers to balance the pros and cons of closing schools, taking into consideration the educational and psychological consequences for children.
ObjectiveIn many countries, before COVID-19 vaccines became available, reluctance to get vaccinated was particularly prevalent among women, the most disadvantaged social groups and ethnoracial ...minorities, known to be at higher risk for the virus. Using a longitudinal perspective, we analyse the social determinants that are associated with the transition from attitudes towards vaccination to actual vaccination practices.DesignRepresentative population-based prospective cohort.SettingsFrom November 2020 to July 2021.ParticipantsAdults included in the Epidemiology and Living Conditions (EpiCoV) cohort (n=86 701).Main outcome measuresAttitudes towards vaccination in November 2020 before COVID-19 vaccines were available in France (in January 2021) and vaccination practices in July 2021.ResultsAmong those who were initially reluctant in November 2020, the youngest, the poorest 10% (OR=0.68, 0.59–0.77), non-European immigrants (OR=0.72, 0.59–0.88) and descendants of non-European immigrants (OR=0.72, 0.61–0.86) were less likely to be vaccinated in July 2021, irrespective of trust in government and scientists. The same social factors were associated with non-vaccination among those who initially were undecided or who favoured vaccination.ConclusionDespite the fact that COVID-19 vaccines were relatively available and free of charge in France in July 2021, social inequalities in vaccination against the virus remained the same than those observed in vaccination reluctance in November 2020, before vaccines were available. While adjusting for trust, migration background, younger age and lower income were associated with lower vaccination uptake irrespective of initial intention. By neglecting to genuinely target specific groups that were initially reluctant to be vaccinated, vaccination policies contributed to strengthening pre-existing social inequalities around COVID-19 burden.
Objective
To assess whether lack of trust in the government and scientists reinforces social and racial inequalities in vaccination practices.
Design
A follow-up of the EpiCov random population-based ...cohort survey.
Setting
In July 2021, in France.
Participants
Eighty-thousand nine hundred and seventy-one participants aged 18 years and more.
Main Outcome Measures
Adjusted odds ratios of COVID-19 vaccination status (received at least one dose/ intends to get vaccinated/ does not know whether to get vaccinated/refuses vaccination) were assessed using multinomial regressions to test associations with social and trust factors and to study how these two factors interacted with each other.
Results
In all, 72.2% were vaccinated at the time of the survey. The population of unvaccinated people was younger, less educated, had lower incomes, and more often belonged to racially minoritized groups, as compared to vaccinated people. Lack of trust in the government and scientists to curb the spread of the epidemic were the factors most associated with refusing to be vaccinated: OR = 8.86 (7.13 to 11.00) for the government and OR = 9.07 (7.71 to 10.07) for scientists, compared to vaccinated people. Lack of trust was more prevalent among the poorest which consequently reinforced social inequalities in vaccination. The poorest 10% who did not trust the government reached an OR of 16.2 (11.9 to 22.0) for refusing to be vaccinated compared to the richest 10% who did.
Conclusion
There is a need to develop depoliticised outreach programmes targeted at the most socially disadvantaged groups, and to design vaccination strategies conceived with people from different social and racial backgrounds to enable them to make fully informed choices.
ObjectiveAlthough social inequalities in COVID-19 mortality by race, gender and socioeconomic status are well documented, less is known about social disparities in infection rates and their shift ...over time. We aim to study the evolution of social disparities in infection at the early stage of the epidemic in France with regard to the policies implemented.DesignRandom population-based prospective cohort.SettingFrom May to June 2020 in France.ParticipantsAdults included in the Epidémiologie et Conditions de Vie cohort (n=77 588).Main outcome measuresSelf-reported anosmia and/or ageusia in three categories: no symptom, during the first epidemic peak (in March 2020) or thereafter (during lockdown).ResultsIn all, 2052 participants (1.53%) reported anosmia/ageusia. The social distribution of exposure factors (density of place of residence, overcrowded housing and working outside the home) was described. Multinomial regressions were used to identify changes in social variables (gender, class and race) associated with symptoms of anosmia/ageusia. Women were more likely to report symptoms during the peak and after. Racialised minorities accumulated more exposure risk factors than the mainstream population and were at higher risk of anosmia/ageusia during the peak and after. By contrast, senior executive professionals were the least exposed to the virus with the lower rate of working outside the home during lockdown. They were more affected than lower social classes at the peak of the epidemic, but this effect disappeared after the peak.ConclusionThe shift in the social profile of the epidemic was related to a shift in exposure factors under the implementation of a stringent stay-at-home order. Our study shows the importance to consider in a dynamic way the gender, socioeconomic and race direct and indirect effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, notably to implement policies that do not widen health inequalities.
The long-term consequences of COVID-19 on mental health are a critical issue given the number of people infected with SARS-CoV-2 worldwide since the beginning of the pandemic.
To investigate the ...associations between self-reported COVID-19-like symptoms or SARS-CoV-2 seropositivity and subsequent depression or anxiety.
This propensity score-matched cohort study began in May 2020, with follow-ups in November 2020 and July 2021. The study used data from a large, randomly selected, national population-based cohort from France, the EpiCoV (Epidémiologie et Conditions de Vie) study. Of 85 074 individuals 15 years or older who completed the questionnaires at the 3 collection times, 28 568 were excluded because they did not return a blood sample for serologic testing, 1994 because of missing data on outcomes or exposures, and 9252 to respect the temporal sequence (exposure must precede the outcome).
Propensity scores based on various socioeconomic, lifestyle, and health variables were computed to match participants who experienced COVID-19-like symptoms between February and November 2020 or showed SARS-CoV-2 seropositivity in November 2020.
Logistic regression models were used to estimate associations between these occurrences and depression or anxiety assessed in July 2021 using the Patient Health Questionnaire 9-item and Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item scales, respectively.
Among the 45 260 included participants (mean SD age, 51.1 18.9 years; 52.4% women; 8.0% with depression and 5.3% with anxiety in July 2021), COVID-19-like symptoms were associated with subsequent depression (adjusted odds ratio, 1.70; 95% CI, 1.45-1.99) and anxiety (adjusted OR, 1.57; 95% CI, 1.29-1.92), whereas SARS-CoV-2 seropositivity was not. Furthermore, COVID-19-like symptoms, but not anosmia or dysgeusia alone, were associated with subsequent depression and anxiety in both the seropositive and seronegative subgroups.
In this cohort study of more than 45 000 individuals drawn from the French general population, SARS-CoV-2 infection was not found as a risk factor of subsequent depression or anxiety. Moreover, self-reported COVID-19-like symptoms were associated with depression and anxiety assessed at least 8 months later in both seropositive and seronegative subgroups, suggesting that factors other than SARS-CoV-2 infection are implied in this association.