This unique book provides an examination of countries which converge on the issue of the low attaining population, despite differing on political, economic and cultural dimensions. Written by an ...internationally renowned scholar, Ignorant Yobs?: Low Attainers in a Global Knowledge Economy synthesises a range of complex, highly topical issues and suggests how those with learning difficulties might, with government and employer support, contribute to a flexible labour market. This book, using original discussions in England, the USA, Germany, Malta and Finland, will be of interest to a wide audience of policy-makers, practitioners, administrators, and politicians, in addition to undergraduate, postgraduate and research students and academics.
Adult outpatient parenteral antibiotic therapy (OPAT) programs have been reported in the literature for over 20 years, however there are no published reports quantifying preference for treatment ...location of patients referred to an OPAT program. The purpose of this study was to elicit treatment location preferences and willingness to pay (WTP) from patients referred to an OPAT program.
A multidisciplinary, single centre, prospective study at a 1000-bed Canadian adult tertiary care teaching hospital. This study involved a WTP questionnaire that was administered over a 9-month study period. Eligible and consenting patients referred to the OPAT program were asked to state their preference for treatment location and WTP for a hypothetical treatment scenario involving intravenous antibiotic therapy. Multiple linear regression analysis was performed to determine predictors of WTP.
Of 131 eligible patients, 91 completed the WTP questionnaire. The majority of participants were males, married, in their sixth decade of life and had a secondary school education or greater. The majority of participants were retired or they were employed with annual household incomes less than 60,000 dollars. Osteomyelitis was the most common type of infection for which parenteral therapy was required. Of those 87 patients who indicated a preference, 77 (89%) patients preferred treatment at home, 10 (11%) patients preferred treatment in hospital. Seventy-one (82%) of these patients provided interpretable WTP responses. Of these 71 patients, 64 preferred treatment at home with a median WTP of 490 dollars CDN (mean 949 dollars, range 20 to 6250 dollars) and 7 preferred treatment in the hospital with a median WTP of 500 dollars CDN (mean 1123 dollars, range 10 to 3000 dollars). Tests for differences in means and medians revealed no differences between WTP values between the treatment locations. The total WTP for the seven patients who preferred hospital treatment was 7,859 dollars versus 60,712 dollars for the 64 patients who preferred home treatment. Income and treatment location preference were independent predictors of WTP.
This study reveals that treatment at home is preferred by adult inpatients receiving intravenous antibiotic therapy that are referred to our OPAT program. Income and treatment location appear to be independently associated with their willingness to pay.
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
It's deja vu all over again: the rise of a xenophobic nationalist party upsetting the established political parties, who then feel they have to compete in demonstrating their anti-immigrant ...credentials. This is a recurrent scenario in a number of European countries, especially England. This article revisits the 1960s and 1970s, Powellism, the National Front and the British National Party (BNP), the Conservative immigration controls of the 1990s and New Labour's attempts in the 2000s to balance populist hostilities to immigration with the fact that immigrants and migrants are vital to the UK economy. It brings us round to the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a party which asserts that it is not racist, but which unites anti-European Union stalwarts with anti-European migrant, anti-refugee and anti-asylum seeker elements, and those who remain determinedly 'anti' long-settled former colonial citizens, into a toxic brew which may get worse before the next election. The article draws out the long history of the problem the left faces in trying to compete with populist anti-immigration activists, while retaining a commitment to liberal beliefs in tolerance and equality. Adapted from the source document.
School effectiveness research together with what is now described as the 'school improvement movement' (Barber, 1996) has captured both the Conservative and New Labour imaginations as a basis for ...educational planning and policy making in the UK. Internationally school effectiveness enjoys and expanding and enthusiastic audience. This book provides a critique of this research genre, particularly in the light of the recent calls for teaching to go 'back to the basics'. The editors argue that this school effectiveness research is simplistic in its analysis of educational problems. Far from getting to the bottom of the problem of failing students and schools, they argue, these 'movements' are merely scratching at the surface of the problems and coming up with notions for superficial improvements.
From 1997 the New Labour government was eager to affirm a commitment to social justice and racial equality, and initially there were moves to address some long-standing educational grievances. But a ...continuation of Conservative market policies of choice and diversity in schooling and a targeting of 'failing' schools exacerbated school segregation and racial inequalities. Policies intended to improve the achievement of minority groups have had some success, but the higher achievements of Indian and Chinese groups have led to facile comparisons which further pathologise young people of African-Caribbean and Pakistani origin. Failure to develop a curriculum for a multiethnic society has contributed to an increase in xenophobia and racism, and there were no educational policies to deal with increased hostility towards young Muslims. Home Office policies targeting refugees and asylum seekers have encouraged racial hostility towards their children despite amended race relations legislation. (DIPF/Orig.).
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BFBNIB, DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NMLJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Adonis dedicated himself to transforming failing comprehensive schools, a 'cancer at the heart of English society', into academies, independent state schools with 'dynamic independent sponsors taking ...charge of their management' (p. xii). Since the abolition of local authority influence in education was suggested by the right-wing Hillgate Group in 1986; Mrs Thatcher in her speech to the Conservative Party conference in 1987 made a plea for 'independent state schools'; and the Secretary of State for Education in the current Coalition government envisages all schools eventually becoming academies, the book should be of more than passing interest to Labour supporters. In the 1960s, cross-party support and middle class pressure, rather than just Secretary of State for Education Tony Crosland, encouraged comprehensive schooling and some public exams (CSEs) for more pupils, and there was cross-party support for the introduction of GCSEs in the 1980s.\n The view that there would be no virtue in 'pulling up the existing GCSE and ?-level system' (p. 229) without a consensus on what would follow leads on to the kind of debate and argument already in progress, and Adonis's contribution is to press for a curriculum similar to the International Baccalaureate (six subjects, an extended essay and the study of the theory of knowledge) for 'academically inclined students'.
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