The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other ...religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI.The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church’s ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called ‘ecumenical’. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.
The majority of Croats in Montenegro are the native population traditionally living in the Bay of Kotor, the town of Budva and Bar and its surroundings. A minority of them are immigrants or their ...descendants. As early as during the Austro–Hungarian rule over the Montenegrin coast, and especially during the Yugoslav period, they inhabited the area of today’s Montenegro, mostly its inland towns. This paper primarily aims to present and analyse the size of the Croatian population in Montenegro in general and at the level of its administrative units. To do so, it uses data from the censuses conducted from 1948 to 2011, which recorded national affiliation, among other things. In the context of those censuses, one can argue that, during their conduct, it was possible to declare oneself as a Croat, and that a major share of the population avoided declaring themselves as such although they could, based on their ethnic characteristics.Accordingly, the second aim of the paper was to attempt to determine, in the context of the 2011 census, which is a source of plenty of relevant data, not only the number of declared Croats but also those who were undeclared as such, but could certainly be considered to belong to the same linguistic, religious and cultural community as Croats. For this paper, that wider unit was termed the Slavic Catholic community (Slavic–Catholic), which is already recognised in language as the Central South Slavic area (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro), among other things as a certain “opposite” of the Slavic–Orthodox and Slavic–Muslim communities of the same spatial scope. To better understand the position of Croats in Montenegro, and especially their reluctance to declare Croatian national affiliation, which is more and more evident over time, an integral part of the paper is an appropriate presentation of historical circumstances that have framed their past and present identity positioning.The first data on the presence of Croats in today’s Montenegrin area refers to the period of Slavic settlement of South-east Europe, which took place until the beginning of the 7th century. According to the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945–959), “On the Governance of the Empire”, during their settlement, Croats occupied the former Roman province of Dalmatia (which, according to the author, “started from the surroundings of Durrës and Bar and stretched to the Istrian mountains and to the river Danube in width”), as well as Pannonia and Illyricum. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, probably written by the (Arch)Bishop of Bar Gregory in the period 1177–1189, upon settlement the Slavs had founded a state, the backbone of which was on the coast, between Istria and today’s northern Albania. According to the Chronicle, that coastal belt was divided into White and Red Croatia, which stretched from Duvanjsko Polje further south. Besides, Byzantine 11th- and 12th-century writers mention Croats and Croatia in the context of the area of today’s Montenegro.However, from the beginning of the 9th century, that is, the point in time from which one can continuously follow the political development in the Adriatic–Dinaric belt, or the area of the former Roman Dalmatia, it is certain that four smaller Slavic principalities existed between the rivers Cetina and Bojana: Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunia and Duklja. In the mid 11th century, Duklja, Travunia and Zahumlje were united into a state at the initiative of the rulers of Duklja. The expanded state of Duklja, ruled by the Vojislavljević dynasty, gained international acknowledgement since the papacy recognised it as a separate kingdom and a strong lever for maintaining its own identity, manifested in the existence of a state religious centre in the form of the Catholic metropolis of Bar. Such circumstances could have suggested the emergence of a much wider state unit, located approximately between the rivers Neretva and Drim on the one side and the Adriatic and the river Tara on the other, which would have implied the formation of an ethnic body.However, events unfolded in a different direction. Since the mid 12th century the state of Duklja had been losing ever more power, completely falling under the ruler of neighbouring Orthodox Serbia at the end of the same century. During that time the Schism of 1054 acquired full significance. The 1204 establishment of the Latin Empire, with its seat in Constantinople, led to a strong polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In such conditions, upon establishment of its own church in 1219, the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić began to carry out mass Orthodoxisation of the Zahumlje and Duklja areas to ensure their loyalty. Primarily exposed to religious conversion were Slavic Catholic people, who, at that time, shared many similarities with the neighbouring Orthodox in the entire area of the Adriatic–Dinaric belt in terms of external manifestations of their Christian identity, significantly marked by the tradition of Cyril and Methodius. Coastal, communal centres in the area of today’s Montenegro, Kotor, Budva and Bar, at the time still largely Romanesque, but eventually Slavicised, and their “belonging” or gravitating Slavic population, as well as the Albanian population located next to gradually Albanianised Ulcinj, along the river Bojana and in Malesia, were left Catholics.The territorial relations between Catholics and Orthodox established at the time have largely remained relevant until modern times. In the area of today’s Montenegro, the Slavic Catholic population was in principle reduced to a distinct minority concentrated in and around the coastal communes. As the Serbian state weakened from the mid 14th century, those communes gradually merged with the western states, and ultimately with the Venetian Republic. They remained under its rule until the end of the 18th century. After that, they were mainly part of the Austrian Kingdom of Dalmatia until 1918. Under those conditions, sharing the social climate with the population of the eastern Adriatic coast, who spoke the same language and shared the same religion, from the mid 19th century the Slavic Catholic population of today’s Montenegrin coast became involved in the processes leading to the constitution of the Croatian nation.The political and social development of the Orthodox population in Montenegro took a different course. By integrating into the de facto Serbian Orthodox Church, they began acquiring Serbian ethnic characteristics. However, given the disintegration of the Serbian state on a part of today’s Montenegrin territory, a new state emerged in the form of Zeta, centred in sub-Lovćen Montenegro and ruled by the Balšić dynasty and the Crnojević dynasty. During the Ottoman rule, which began in the late 15th century, sub-Lovćen Montenegro retained a certain autonomy, which became the basis for the formation of the Montenegrin state close to its current borders in the late 17th century. While the Montenegrin population “remained” in the identity sphere of proto-national Serbs due to Orthodoxy, imbued with the cult of the Nemanjić dynasty, its peculiar development enabled them to acquire own ethnic consciousness. The dichotomy between the Montenegrin and Serbian sense of identity has not been overcome to this day, which is becoming increasingly clear in the division of the Orthodox population between the national Montenegrins and the national Serbs.With the disintegration of Austro–Hungary and the emergence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, that is, Yugoslavia, the Slavic Catholic population in the area of today’s Montenegro found itself permanently separated from the political, or at least administrative framework defined by the Catholic majority, after almost five hundred years. Instead, it became a distinct minority group in an environment that was continuously exposed to strong Serbian influences, even after Montenegro gained independence. Over time, following the processes of migration towards the coast, it also became a minority in settlements where it once represented the only or majority population. Under those conditions, strongly marked by latent or real contradictions in the relations between Croats and Serbs and often radical manifestations of Serbian identity in their environment, for the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro, the declaration of Croatian identity became a kind of burden that not everyone was ready or able to bear. In that context, among other things, it is worth looking at the data presented, which points to a decline in the share of Croats in Montenegro. Equally, attention should be paid to the data from the 2011 census, which indicates a kind of mass declaration of “alternative” forms of ethnicity on the part of the Slavic–Catholic population.According to the first census, the one of 1921, which covered the population of all parts of today’s Montenegro, 313,432 inhabitants lived on its soil, of which between 11,380 and 12,145 were Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community. According to that census, which took no account of the national determinant, but recorded the religious and linguistic ones, the share of members of that community in the total population inhabiting the area of today’s Montenegro was between 3.6% and 3.9%. The censuses after 1945, which, as pointed out, covered the national determinant and were conducted in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), Federal Republic of Yugoslavia / the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (1991–2006) and in independent Montenegro (since 2006) recorded the following shares of Croats in Montenegro: 6,808 (in 1948), 9,814 (in 1953), 10,664 (in 1961), 9,192 (in 1971), 6,904 (in 1981), 6,244 (in 1991), 6,811 (in 2003), and 6,021 (in 2011).It is evident from the first censuses that part of the Slavic–Catholics in Montenegro did not declare themselves as Croats. This is primarily the case in Bar and its surroundin
In the paper the author discusses Temporary Protocol Temporary Protocol signed on December 10 signed on December 10th 2002 between Republic of Croatia and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and ...Montenegro), about the border between the states in the area of Boka Kotorska. The parts of Protocol Protocol have been critically analysed with the thesis that this document have been critically analysed with the thesis that this document is not good for the Croatian side because it enabled dual sovereignty along the part of Croatian shore, as well as disproportional demilitarization damaging the Croatian side.
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Koristeći prilagođen instrument, izrađen u okviru provedbe dva vala istraživanja o izazovima razvoja kombinirane socijalne politike u Hrvatskoj, u Crnoj Gori je 2012. godine provedeno istraživanje ...»Izazovi razvoja kombinovane socijalne politike u Crnoj Gori«. U ovom radu prikazani su rezultati provedenog istraživanja koji govore o jakostima i slabostima različitih ključnih dionika za stvaranje poticajnog okruženja i realnih temelja za jačanje i korištenje modela kombinirane socijalne politike u pravnim aktima i njihovoj konkretnoj primjeni. Ispitanici uključeni u istraživanje bili su predstavnici prepoznatih ključnih dionika u području socijalne politike, pa su tako sudjelovali gradovi/općine, centri za socijalni rad i njihove podružnice, (biroi) burze rada i njihovi uredi (kancelarije), organizacije civilnog društva te socijalne ustanove. U uvodnom dijelu razmatra se teorijsko-analitički okvir razvoja modela kombinirane socijalne politike u tranzicijskim zemljama. Uvidom u crnogorske dokumente socijalne politike, daje se osvrt na okruženje u kojem se nalaze potencijalni nositelji i promicatelji koncepta kombinirane socijalne politike, potom se izlažu rezultati empirijskog istraživanja o jakostima i slabostima kombinirane socijalne politike u Crnoj Gori.
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Radom su prezentirana tri ostvarenja zagrebačkih arhitekata realizirana u Crnoj Gori tijekom 20. stoljeća. Dom Saveza državnih službenika u Ulcinju (1937.-1939., Hinko Bauer i Marijan Haberle), ...Dječja bolnica kliničkog tipa u Podgorici (1954.-1961., Zoja i Selimir Dumengjić) i Katolička župna crkva u Podgorici (1963.-1969., Zvonimir Vrkljan i Boris Krstulović) iznimna su ostvarenja hrvatske moderne arhitekture gotovo u potpunosti nepoznata stručnoj
javnosti.
In the course of molecular phylogeographical investigations in Androsace sect. Aretia a previously unrecognised entity from Crna Gora/Montenegro was identified as a genetically and morphologically ...clearly seperated lineage and is described here as a new species, Androsace komovensis Schönswetter & Schneew. It is restricted to a single high-alpine rock-cliff in the Komovi mountain range in Montenegro. The new species morphologically resembles A. Mathildae Lever from the Abruzzo mountains (Italy), but differs in the presistent, dense and regular indumentum of the leaf margin. Molecular phylogenetic data indicate that A. komovensis Schönswetter & Schneew. is not closely related to A. mathildae Levier, but instead is sister species to the Eastern Alpine endemic A. hausmanni Leyb.
Post-communist transition societies are facing a need to create new political identities in the process of state and nation building in complex internal circumstances. Since the process of creating ...political identity of national-state society is one of the most significant for its survival and functioning, it raises the question: what is the nature of real political identity of the post-referendum Montenegro, especially the one grounded in the social/national dichotomy. One of the definitions of civil political identity emphasizes the constitutional Montenegro as the civil state. At the same time, respecting the great importance of political parties in the process of creation of Montenegro as a civil and national society, different positions which these parties expressed in the mentioned process have been observed. Identity positions of parties are presented in relation to two axes of the problem: the constitutional-legal and on identity in the narrower sense. It is pointed out that in relation to identity issues in the post-referendum period, political parties have been grouped almost identically as they were grouped in relation to the state-legal status in pre-referendum period. The authors concluded that there is a block division of identity questions in Montenegro as well as little chance for identity debates to be resolved by consensus in the near future.
U ovome radu autorice analiziraju Protokol između Vlade Republike Hrvatske i Savezne vlade Savezne Republike Jugoslavije (danas je stranka Protokola Crna Gora koja je 3. lipnja 2006. proglasila ...neovisnost i samostalnost) o privremenom režimu uz južnu granicu između dviju država (2002.) i odluke vlada Crne Gore (2011., 2014.) i Republike Hrvatske (2014.) koje se odnose na istraživanje i eksploataciju ugljikovodika u Jadranu, s obzirom na crtu razgraničenja morskih i podmorskih prostora prema Protokolu. Vlada Crne Gore je 3. ožujka 2011. donijela Odluku o određivanju blokova za istraživanje i proizvodnju ugljikovodonika čije granice odstupaju od morskog razgraničenja dviju država prema odredbama Protokola o privremenom režimu uz južnu granicu, ali i pravila međunarodnog prava mora, za razliku od koordinata istražnih prostora Prvog javnog nadmetanja za izdavanje dozvola za istraživanje i eksploataciju ugljikovodika na Jadranu, objavljenog na temelju odluke Vlade Republike Hrvatske od 27. ožujka 2014.
Cilj je ovoga rada bio utvrditi proizvodni potencijal i veličinu populacije ugroženih pasmina ovaca u Republici Hrvatskoj i Crnoj Gori. U Republici Hrvatskoj se uzgaja 9 izvornih pasmina ovaca od ...kojih je samo jedna visoko ugrožena (dubrovačka ruda: 702 grla), a 5 su potencijalno ugrožene (cigaja, rapska ovca, creska ovca, istarska ovca i krčka ovca). Najveću tjelesnu masu i veličinu legla ima cigaja (74,64 kg i 1,21), a najmanju krčka ovca (35,44 kg i 1,06). Najviše mlijeka u laktaciji proizvedu istarska ovca i cigaja, a najmanje creska ovca i rapska ovca. Završni dnevni prirast i prosječni dnevni prirast muške janjadi u field uvjetima bili su najveći u cigaje (307 g i 35,77 kg), a najmanji u janjadi krčke ovce. U Crnoj Gori se uzgaja 6 izvornih pasmina ovaca. Zetska žuja je najmalobrojnija pasmina ovaca u Crnoj Gori i ima status kritično ugrožene pasmine (oko 150 grla), dok su pivska pramenka, sora i ljaba potencijalno ugrožene pasmine. Najbolje proizvodne rezultate (mliječnost) imaju pivska i bardoka (106,8 i 110 kg), a najlošije zetska žuja (49,6 kg). Proizvodni potencijal ugroženih pasmina ovaca u obje zemlje ukazuje na opravdanost značaj¬nijih ulaganja u širenje njihovih uzgoja, što će pridonijeti i podizanju profitabilnosti uzgoja kao i povećanju interesa za navedene pasmine ovaca.
Macedonia, as a future member of the European Union, is facing an important and difficult task: to promote its tourism supply according to the leading European Countries in order to achieve ...competitive advantage in tourism market. Alternative forms of tourism are an important part of a tourism supply that could satisfy the specific tourist needs. These include rural tourism for which there is an increased demand every day. Macedonia is a country rich in various resources that are essential for making unique, rich and competent rural tourism supply, created strictly according to the principles of sustainable development. The aim of this paper work is to indicate the importance of the development of rural tourism supply for Macedonia, whereas the objective is to analyze the possibilities of the development of the rural tourism supply in the area of mountain Skopska Crna Gora, in order to develop competitive tourism supply.
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