Das Vormärz-Handbuch erschließt die Zeit zwischen Wiener Kongress (1815) und bürgerlicher Revolution (1848/49) in Deutschland in all ihren Facetten: Geschichte, Politik, Ökonomie, Philosophie, ...Pädagogik, Theologie, Literatur, bildende Kunst, Musik.
Focusing on émigrés from Baden, Württemberg and Hungary in four host societies (Switzerland, the Ottoman Empire, England and the United States), Heléna Tóth considers exile in the aftermath of the ...revolutions of 1848–9 as a European phenomenon with global dimensions. While exile is often presented as an individual challenge, Tóth studies its collective aspects in the realms of the family and of professional and social networks. Exploring the interconnectedness of these areas, she argues that although we often like to sharply distinguish between labor migration and exile, these categories were anything but stable after the revolutions of 1848–9; migration belonged to the personal narrative of the revolution for a broad section of the population. Moreover, discussions about exile and amnesty played a central role in formulating the legacy of the revolutions not only for the émigrés but for their social environment and, ultimately, the governments of the restoration.
The 1848 wave of worker rebellions that swept across Europe struck the German states with the March Revolution. The writer August Brass led the successful defense of the barricades in Berlin's ...Alexanderplatz public square. Published in English for the first time, On the Barricades of Berlin provides a riveting firsthand account of this uprising.Brass' testimony begins with the tumultuous events leading up to the revolution: the peaceful democratic agitation; the demands that were brought to the king; and the key actors involved on all sides of the still peaceful, yet tense, struggle. It then follows the events that led to the outbreak of resistance to the forces of order and sheds light on the aftermath of the fighting once the exhausted Prussian army withdrew from the city.
The essay examines from a rhetorical point of view the narration of the events of the Repubblica di San Marco in the memories of several patriots involved in the revolutionary movements. In this ...regard, some specific features of the patriotic rhetoric relating to the case of Venice are highlighted, like the myth of the non-violent foundation of the Republic, the obscuring of responsibility of the government in the end of the revolutionary experience, on representation of the personal vicissitudes of Manin and Tommaseo as heroic and decisive facts for the community.
AChoiceMagazine Outstanding Academic TitleWidely remembered as a time of heated debate over the westward expansion of slavery, the 1850s in the United States was also a period of mass immigration. As ...the sectional conflict escalated, discontented Europeans came in record numbers, further dividing the young republic over issues of race, nationality, and citizenship. The arrival of German-speaking "Forty-Eighters," refugees of the failed European revolutions of 1848-49, fueled apprehensions about the nation's future. Reaching America did not end the foreign revolutionaries' pursuit of freedom; it merely transplanted it.
InWe Are the Revolutionists, Mischa Honeck offers a fresh appraisal of these exiled democrats by probing their relationship to another group of beleaguered agitators: America's abolitionists. Honeck details how individuals from both camps joined forces in the long, dangerous battle to overthrow slavery. In Texas and in cities like Milwaukee, Cincinnati, and Boston this cooperation helped them find new sources of belonging in an Atlantic world unsettled by massive migration and revolutionary unrest.
Employing previously untapped sources to write the experience of radical German émigrés into the abolitionist struggle, Honeck elucidates how these interethnic encounters affected conversations over slavery and emancipation in the United States and abroad. Forty-Eighters and abolitionists, Honeck argues, made creative use not only of their partnerships but also of their disagreements to redefine notions of freedom, equality, and humanity in a transatlantic age of racial construction and nation making.
This social history of Europe during 1848 selects the most crucial centers of revolt and shows by a vivid reconstruction of events what revolution meant to the average citizen and how fateful a part ...he had in it. A wealth of material from contemporary sources, much of which is unavailable in English, is woven into a superb narrative which tells the story of how Frenchmen lived through the first real working-class revolt, how the students of Vienna took over the city government, how Croats and Slovenes were roused in their first nationalistic struggle, how Mazzini set up his ideal republic Rome.
The revolutions that swept across Europe in 1848 marked a turning-point in the history of political and social thought. They raised questions of democracy, nationhood, freedom and social cohesion ...that have remained among the key issues of modern politics, and still help to define the major ideological currents - liberalism, socialism, republicanism, anarchism, conservatism - in which these questions continue to be debated today. This collection of essays by internationally prominent historians of political thought examines the 1848 Revolutions in a pan-European perspective, and offers research on questions of state power, nationality, religion, the economy, poverty, labour, and freedom. Even where the revolutionary movements failed to achieve their explicit objectives of transforming the state and social relations, they set the agenda for subsequent regimes, and contributed to the shaping of modern European thought and institutions.
The purpose of the study is to reveal important manifestations of the pan-European revolutionary process of 1848-1849 in the archival documents of the Kyiv, Podillia, and Volyn Governorates against ...the background of a generalised picture of the leading trends in its development. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism, systemic and civilisational approaches, historical-genetic and comparative-historical methods, which makes it possible to apply the method of critical analysis and interpretation of sources in the historical and cultural context. Scientific novelty. The article, based on documents, including those first introduced into scientific circulation, of the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv and the Institute of Manuscript of the V.I. Vernadskyi National Library of Ukraine, high lights important manifestations of public sentiment and reaction to the events of the "Spring time of the Peoples" in Europe in the territories of the Kyiv, Podillia and Volyn Governorates in the broader context of conceptual understanding of the significance of the revolutionary process of 1848-1849 for the formation of European political and legal culture. Conclusions. Despite the defeat of the "Springtime of the Peoples" of 1848-1849, the complex of cultural and ideological concepts, socio-political processes, national liberation movements, and international relations associated with it largely determined the ways of further development of European civilisation. The events of this historical era laid the foundations for future large-scale modernisation processes, transformations and reforms that had a profound impact on the formation of Europe’s modern political culture with its basic concepts of civil society and the rule of law. The national and cultural upsurge also encompassed the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Habsburg monarchy, while in the territory of the Naddniprianska Ukraine the tsarist government took measures to counteract the spread of information about revolutionary events in Europe. The analysis of documents from the office of the governor general of Kyiv, Podillia, and Volyn, the office of the trustee of the Kyiv educational district, and personal sources allows us to reconstruct important aspects of the mood of the local public through the prism of the supervisory and repressive activities of the state authorities of the Russian Empire. In particular, they recorded the facts of the dissemination of information about revolutions in Europe, the improvement of the situation of peasants in Galicia, and found banned literature and anti-government works that condemned the tsarist foreign policy.
Reaching from the Atlantic to Ukraine, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, the revolutions of 1848 brought millions of people across the European continent into political life. Nationalist ...aspirations, social issues and feminist demands coming to the fore in the mid-century revolutions would reverberate in continental Europe until 1914 and beyond. Yet the new regimes established then proved ephemeral, succumbing to counter-revolution. In this second edition, Jonathan Sperber has updated and expanded his study of the European Revolutions between 1848–1851. Emphasizing the socioeconomic background to the revolutions, and the diversity of political opinions and experiences of participants, the book offers an inclusive narrative of the revolutionary events and a structural analysis of the reasons for the revolutions' ultimate failure. A wide-reaching conclusion and a detailed bibliography make the book ideal both for classroom use and for a general reader wishing a better knowledge of this major historical event.
Distant Revolutions: 1848 and the Challenge to American Exceptionalismis a study of American politics, culture, and foreign relations in the mid-nineteenth century, illuminated through the reactions ...of Americans to the European revolutions of 1848. Flush from the recent American military victory over Mexico, many Americans celebrated news of democratic revolutions breaking out across Europe as a further sign of divine providence. Others thought that the 1848 revolutions served only to highlight how America's own revolution had not done enough in the way of reform. Still other Americans renounced the 1848 revolutions and the thought of trans-atlantic unity because they interpreted European revolutionary radicalism and its portents of violence, socialism, and atheism as dangerous to the unique virtues of the United States.
When the 1848 revolutions failed to create stable democratic governments in Europe, many Americans declared that their own revolutionary tradition was superior; American reform would be gradual and peaceful. Thus, when violence erupted over the question of territorial slavery in the 1850s, the effect was magnified among antislavery Americans, who reinterpreted the menace of slavery in light of the revolutions and counter-revolutions of Europe. For them a new revolution in America could indeed be necessary, to stop the onset of authoritarian conditions and to cure American exemplarism. The Civil War, then, when it came, was America's answer to the 1848 revolutions, a testimony to America's democratic shortcomings, and an American version of a violent, nation-building revolution.
