In a work based on new archival, press, and literary sources, the author revises the picture of German imperialism as being the brainchild of a Machiavellian Bismarck or the "conservative ...revolutionaries" of the twentieth century. Instead, Fitzpatrick argues for the liberal origins of German imperialism, by demonstrating the links between nationalism and expansionism in a study that surveys the half century of imperialist agitation and activity leading up to the official founding of Germany's colonial empire in 1884.
This study proposes a comparative analysis of the circulation of information between two peripheries of the Habsburg Monarchy (Croatia and Transylvania), respectively between a periphery and a center ...(Croatia and Pest), following the way in which the uprising in Rakovica in October 1871, together with its background and political connotations, were received, interpreted, and further transmitted to the Romanian-speaking public in Transylvania and Hungary by the Romanian press of the time. The objective of the study is to highlight the differences between the central and provincial press of an important ethnic group in Dualist Hungary, as well as to trace how a series of violent, unexpected, and potentially politically destabilizing events within one ethnic group were received and contextualized by the political elite of another ethnic group.
U članku se donosi komparativna analiza informacija koje su kružile između dviju periferija Habsburške Monarhije (Hrvatske i Transilvanije), odnosno između periferije i središta (Hrvatske i Pešte). Autor prati način na koji je tadašnji rumunjski tisak primio i protumačio ustanak u Rakovici u listopadu 1871., uključujući njegovu pozadinu i političke konotacije, te prenio te informacije rumunjskoj javnosti u Transilvaniji i Mađarskoj. Cilj istraživanja bio je istaknuti razlike između središnjeg i pokrajinskog tiska namijenjenog toj važnoj etničkoj skupini u Ugarskoj za vrijeme dualizma, kao i ispitati kako je niz nasilnih, neočekivanih i potencijalno politički destabilizirajućih događaja unutar jedne etničke skupine primila i kontekstualizirala politička elita druge etničke skupine.
This book vividly evokes radical women's integral roles within France's
revolutionary civil war known as the Paris Commune. It demonstrates the breadth,
depth, and impact of communard feminist ...socialisms far beyond the 1871 insurrection.
Examining the period from the early 1860s through that century's end, Carolyn J.
Eichner investigates how radical women developed critiques of gender, class, and
religious hierarchies in the immediate pre-Commune era, how these ideologies emerged
as a plurality of feminist socialisms within the revolution, and how these varied
politics subsequently affected fin-de-siècle gender and class relations. She
focuses on three distinctly dissimilar revolutionary women leaders who exemplify
multiple competing and complementary feminist socialisms: Andre Leo, Elisabeth
Dmitrieff, and Paule Mink. Leo theorized and educated through journalism and
fiction, Dmitrieff organized institutional power for working-class women, and Mink
agitated crowds to create an egalitarian socialist world. Each woman forged her own
path to gender equality and social justice.
Eduard Halper Sigetski (Škarićevo kod Krapine, 14. prosinca 1824. – 23. kolovoza 1877.) pripadao je plemićkoj obitelji Halpera Sigetskih podrijetlom iz Ugarske, koji su svoje posjede, nakon dolaska u ...Hrvatsku u drugoj polovini 18. stoljeća i primanja u red hrvatskoga plemstva, stekli na širem području Hrvatskoga zagorja, točnije unutar Zagrebačke i Varaždinske županije (Martinci, Pavlovec, Pluska, Luka, Sela, Donje Turnišće, Hum i Zajezda) s centralnim posjedom u Škarićevu pokraj Krapine. Članovi obitelji bili su aktivni u političkom i upravnom životu civilne Hrvatske cijelo 19. stoljeće. Ta se aktivnost manifestirala obnašanjem službi odvjetnika i kotarskih sudaca Varaždinske županije, koje je pratio i ulazak u Sabor izborom za narodnoga zastupnika kotareva Klanjec i Sv. Križ (Nikola i Eduard Halper Sigetski). Upravo će Eduard Halper Sigetski dolaskom pod utjecaj pravaških ideja 1860-ih uz vršenje dužnosti kotarskoga suca u Malom Taboru, a zatim i suca u Pregradi, činiti glavni stup i žarište djelovanja Stranke prava u Hrvatskom zagorju. Uz već poznata saznanja o Halperovoj financijskoj potpori pravašima, poput plaćanja kaucije za pokretanje i tiskanje stranačkoga lista Hervatska, te političkom djelovanju prema vrhu stranke (sudjelovanja na stranačkim sastancima, optiranja za saborska mjesta), u radu će se prikazati i njegovo djelovanje na lokalnoj razini u političkom, društvenom i kulturnom aspektu, čime će se upotpuniti rekonstrukcija političkoga portreta. Pritom će okosnicu činiti analizirani podaci iz pisama koja su mu u tom razdoblju pisali prvaci Stranke prava Ante Starčević i Eugen Kvaternik. U radu će se prikazati društvena i politička aktivnost Eduarda Halpera Sigetskog, tj. njegovo političko djelovanje kao člana Stranke prava od 1869. do 1875. godine.
Eduard Halper Sigetski (Škarićevo near Krapina, December 14, 1824 – August 23, 1877) belonged to the noble family Halper Sigetski, originally from Hungary. Having arrived in Croatia in the second half of the 18th century and integrated into the Croatian nobility, the family acquired estates in the broader area of Hrvatsko Zagorje, specifically within Zagreb and Varaždin Counties (Martinci, Pavlovec, Pluska, Luka, Sela, Donje Turnišće, Hum, and Zajezda), with a central property in Škarićevo near Krapina. Throughout the 19th century, family members actively participated in the political and administrative life of Civil Croatia, serving as lawyers and district judges in the Varaždin County. Nikola and Eduard Halper Sigetski were elected to the Parliament as people’s representatives for the districts of Klanjec and Sv. Križ. Eduard, influenced by the Party of Rights in the 1860s, served as a district judge in Mali Tabor and later in Pregrada, which became the party’s main pillar and hub in Hrvatsko Zagorje. In addition to the known information about Halper’s financial support to the Party of Rights, as he paid a deposit for the launch and printing of the party newspaper Hervatska and became politically involved in various ways, climbing within the party’s ranks (participating in party meetings, opting for parliamentary seats), this paper explores his political, social, and cultural contributions at the local level in order to complete his political portrait. To this purpose, the study includes an analysis of letters he received from the leaders of the Party of Rights, Ante Starčević and Eugen Kvaternik. Finally, the paper sheds light on the political and social activities of Eduard Halper Sigetski as a member of the Party of Rights from 1869 to 1875.
In refocusing attention on the Paris Commune as a key event in American political and cultural memory, Sensational Internationalism radically changes our understanding of the relationship between ...France and the United States in the long nineteenth century.
Nothing says more about a culture than the way it responds to deeply traumatic events. The Reign of Terror, America's Civil War, the Holocaust, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Kennedy assassination, ...September 11th-watershed moments such as these can be rich sounding boards for the cultural historian patient enough to tease out the traumatic event's complex cultural resonances.This book is about one such moment in the history of modern France. The so-called Terrible Year began with the French army's crushing defeat at Sedan and the fall of the Second Empire in September of 1870, followed by the Prussian occupation of France and first siege of Paris in the fall and winter of that year. But no event of the period proved so deeply traumatic as the Paris Commune of 1871 and the bloody reprisals that attended its demise.Commemorating Trauma engages the rich body of recent scholarly work on cultural trauma to examine a curious conundrum. Why do French literary, historical and philosophical texts written in the aftermath of the Paris Commune so often employ the trope of confusion (in both the phenomenal and cognitive senses of that term) to register and work through the historical traumas of the Terrible Year? And how might these representations of confusion both reflect and inflect the confusions inherent to an ongoing process of social upheaval evident in late nineteenth-century France-a process whose benchmarks include democratization and the blurring of social classes, a persistent and evolving revolutionism, radical reconfigurations of the city as lived environment, and the development of specifically capitalist logics of commerce? These are the two principal questions addressed in this important study of cultural memory.
At dawn on March 18, 1871, Parisian women stepped between cannons and French soldiers, using their bodies to block the army from taking the artillery from their working-class neighborhood. When ...ordered to fire, the troops refused and instead turned and arrested their leaders. Thus began the Paris Commune, France's revolutionary civil war that rocked the nineteenth century and shaped the twentieth. Considered a golden moment of hope and potential by the left, and a black hour of terrifying power inversions by the right, the Commune occupies a critical position in understanding modern history and politics. A 72-day conflict that ended with the ferocious slaughter of Parisians, the Commune represents for some the final insurgent burst of the French Revolution's long wake, for others the first "successful" socialist uprising, and for yet others an archetype for egalitarian socio-economic, feminist, and political change. Militants have referenced and incorporated its ideas into insurrections across the globe, throughout the twentieth and into the twenty-first centuries, keeping alive the revolution's now-iconic goals and images. Innumerable scholars in countless languages have examined aspects of the 1871 uprising, taking perspectives ranging from glorifying to damning this world-shaking event. The Commune stands as a critical and pivotal moment in nineteenth-century history, as the linchpin between revolutionary pasts and futures, and as the crucible allowing glimpses of alternate possibilities. Upending hierarchies of class, religion, and gender, the Commune emerged as a touchstone for the subsequent century-and-a-half of revolutionary and radical social movements.
Introducción. La titánica labor del Dr. Fermín Valdés Domínguez, para dar a conocer la verdad sobre el fusilamiento de los estudiantes de medicina, es conocida. En 1897 Fermín escribió una carta ...abierta donde aparecen otras evidencias en defensa de sus compañeros. Métodos. Se siguió una metodología cualitativa, utilizando como métodos teóricos el histórico-lógico y el análisis documental. Se consultó información relevante sobre el tema en fuentes primarias, secundarias y terciarias. Se consultó la llamada literatura de campaña, fundamentalmente los diarios. Resultados. La carta, si bien no es un material inédito, el hecho de haberse publicado por primera vez en un periódico editado en la manigua y luego en un diario, contexto en que no se resaltó su importancia, lo convierten en un valioso documento para aportar otros elementos a favor de aquellos jóvenes que encontraron la muerte bajo las garras de la metrópoli española. A pesar de encontrarse en plena guerra, al conocer la publicación de un libro de Tesifonte Gallego, escritor español, Fermín arremete con fuerzas y, sobre todo, con argumentos convincentes, contra las mentiras del escritor ibérico. Como conclusión esta carta de Fermín es ejemplo fehaciente de su preocupación constante por la reivindicación de sus compañeros. Fermín fue, sin dudas, el mayor representante de una generación de cubanos dignos que, durante muchos años, laboró intensamente para que se conociera la verdad histórica sobre este triste suceso de noviembre de 1871. Esta epístola contribuye a arrojar un poco más de luz sobre el pedestal heroico de los jóvenes asesinados.
