Neste artigo visamos empreender uma análise entrecruzada de representações gráfico-satíricas publicadas em periódicos dos anos 1920, como prisma privilegiado para divisar ideias que permeavam as ...construções de gênero no circuito da mídia impressa nos dois lados do Atlântico.
Sob uma perspectiva da História Cultural, vislumbramos esse viés de investigação a fim de perscrutar circularidades transnacionais porventura evidenciadas nas temáticas e nos significados polissêmicos das representações, entendidas como repositórios de vestígios valorosos de arquétipos femininos, passíveis de interpretação.
Por meio de caricaturas, é possível entrever o papel dos periódicos na internacionalização da cultura e na elaboração de subjetividades; interessa-nos compreender a influência daqueles veículos nas mudanças de comportamento, nas demandas e aspirações das mulheres e consequente alteração de seu lugar social, em meio à difusão de gostos e valores, sensibilidades e imaginários, compartilhados em produções que conjugavam imagem, texto e humor.
Polskie kolejnictwo wojskowe odegrało ważną rolę podczas wojny polsko-rosyjskiej 1919–1920. W trakcie drugiej ofensywy Tuchaczewskiego, latem 1920 r., zapewniło sprawną ewakuację linii kolejowych na ...terenach dzisiejszej Białorusi, Litwy i wschodniej Polski. Poczynione rozległe zniszczenia znacznie utrudniły zaopatrywanie wojsk rosyjskich. Ewakuacja nie była łatwym zadaniem ze względu na liczne trudności: niedostatek kadr, słaby stan infrastruktury kolejowej, zużyty tabor kolejowy, szybkie tempo rosyjskiego natarcia. Problematyczne było również używanie dwóch różnych rozstawów szyn, co zmuszało do przekuwania wielu kilometrów torów. Pomimo wielkiego chaosu i dezorganizacji polskie kolejnictwo wojskowe wykonało zadanie i zdołało ocalić wielu ludzi oraz wywieźć wiele materiału wojennego, a także taboru kolejowego.
During World War II, the US government’s Office of Scientific Research and Development (OSRD) supported one of the largest public investments in applied R&D in US history. Using data on all ...OSRD-funded invention, we show this shock had a formative impact on the US innovation system, catalyzing technology clusters across the country, with accompanying increases in high-tech entrepreneur-ship and employment. These effects persist until at least the 1970s and appear to be driven by agglomerative forces and endogenous growth. In addition to creating technology clusters, wartime R&D permanently changed the trajectory of overall US innovation in the direction of OSRD-funded technologies. (JEL H56, N42, N72, O31, O33, O38, R11)
The article explores the economic and housing support in the transfer of the USSR Academy of Sciences from Leningrad to Moscow in the 1930s. The relocation of the institutions of the Academy and ...affiliated groups was an important vector of changes in the geography of the Soviet scientific and technological map in a key period for its formation and development. Taking into account differences in the economic support of various groups (academicians, researchers, stuff, the young scientists), inequality in the distribution of apartments is an interesting facet of the social history of the Soviet scholarly community. It demonstrates its “material world”, internal differentiation, and interaction with power in the context of “big projects”. This story also demonstrates the disciplinary differences through variation in support for institutions of the USSR Academy of Sciences (geological, biological, chemical and physical and mathematical sciences) via apartments in Moscow, through the transfer of non-academic humanitarian scientific institutions to Leningrad. This story is also interesting from the perspective of architectural history: the project of building the Academy of Sciences was a part of the general plan for the reconstruction of Moscow (1930–1950) and contributed to the formation of its architectural look as a “scientific capital”. The study was prepared on the materials from the Archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the State Archives of the Russian Federation.
In interwar Czechoslovakia, the construction of a well-founded military establishment was a core component of the state building process. Reflecting broader trends across the post-imperial, ...particularly post-Habsburg space, Czechoslovak state builders deployed a rhetoric of radical military transformation predicated in part on a rejection of the imperial military legacy. As this article shows, however, certain elements of Habsburg military tradition survived the transition from empire to nation-state. Focusing on the legacy of Bohemia’s old Habsburg regiments, I argue that “imperial” military tradition could be adapted for use in the new republic through a process of selective reimagining. During the interwar period, regimental groups consisting of Czech-speaking Habsburg veterans dedicated considerable time and energy to the project of “nationalizing” Habsburg regimental tradition. By emphasizing the historically Czech character of their former regiments within the broader Habsburg military establishment, these veterans’ groups provided a means by which Bohemia’s old imperial regiments could be incorporated, conceptually, into prevailing interwar narratives of Czech military heritage.
The Slovak Republic of 1939–1945 was established on the doorstep of the deadliest war in history. It almost immediately became an active participant in the war as an ally of Nazi Germany. Moreover, ...already in March 1939, Slovakia, just after its foundation, found itself in a military conflict with Hungary. These facts were naturally reflected in all spheres of society, including urban spaces. This study aims to analyze interventions in the public spaces of Slovak towns related to a cult of martyrs. There was strong need to justify the new Slovak Republic’s participation in the war. This need became increasingly pressing, especially after the invasion of the Soviet Union, which met with the disapproval of the majority of the population. I therefore ask how the regime responded to this. I am especially interested in following questions: how were public spaces transformed change in an effort to build a martyr cult before and after the attack on the Soviet Union? Were there significant interventions in connection with this event (the declaration of war against the USSR)? Had the symbol of a martyr or a soldier changed, and if so, how? The study is organized chronologically. I analyze interventions in public spaces during the so-called Little War in March 1939, at the moment of entry into the war against Poland in September 1939, and at the moment of entry into the war against the USSR in June 1941. I examine interventions on architecture-material level which involved the renaming streets and the creation of memorials. I also focus on perceptions of the street as a “stage” for military parades or ceremonies in the course of which soldiers were awarded decorations.
På slutten av 1800-tallet hadde de sentrale myndighetene ambisjoner om å gjøre folketellingene mer troverdige og vitenskapelige ved å forbedre metodene for datainnhenting og -bearbeiding. Dette ...påvirket også hvordan de lokale tellerne og herredenes tellestyrer skulle arbeide. Et av målene var å standardisere tellernes praksiser og derved begrense deres individuelle handlingsrom. Samtidig var det nettopp tellernes lokalkunnskaper og personlige skjønn som ble viktig, ikke minst når de skulle klassifisere befolkningen etter etniske kriterier. I denne artikkelen blir folketellingen i 1900, i 1910 og i 1920 fra Helgøy herred i Troms brukt til å diskutere: Hvordan ble instruksene fra Det Statistiske Centralbyrå implementert lokalt, og hvilke følger fikk endringer i skjemaene for framstillingen av herredets etniske profil? Hadde tellerne som gjennomførte tellingene i felten, et handlingsrom til å påvirke framstillingen av herredets etniske profil? Hadde tellerens egen etnisitet sammenheng med hvordan han arbeidet? Det er ikke overaskende at endringer i måleinstrumentene, i dette tilfellet skjemaene i folketellingene, kunne få store konsekvenser for hvordan befolkningens etniske sammensetning ble framstilt. Tellingene av Helgøy-befolkningen er ikke noe unntak. I perioden 1900 til 1920 førte endringer i hvorledes tellingene ble gjennomført til at Helgøy herred først framsto som mer norsk og deretter, med nye revisjoner, som mer samisk. Klassifiseringen av befolkningens etnisitet mellom 1910 og 1920 framstår som ganske konsistent. Et betydelig mindretall – om lag en firedel – endret etnisk status mellom de to tellingene. Tellere som registrerte seg selv som norske, tenderte mot å reklassifisere befolkningen i norsk retning. Tellere med norsk-samisk bakgrunn, derimot, endret oftere befolkningen i samisk/kvensk retning. I artikkelen blir mulige forklaringer på dette drøftet.
Den 1. desember 1920 la de lokale jernbaneansatte ved Kongsvinger stasjon ned arbeidet. Jernbanestreiken var landsomfattende. I denne artikkelen undersøker jeg streiken lokalt på Kongsvinger stasjon ...med utgangspunkt i primærkildene etter streikeleder Christian Digerud, skrevet i kampens hete. I artikkelen ønsker jeg å legge fram hvem som var aktørene bak den lokale streiken, de som la ned arbeidet og dermed sørget for at alle hjula og all vanlig virksomhet stoppet opp. Til tross for at streiken var landsomfattende og varte i over to uker, viser jeg i denne artikkelen at langt på nær alle var enige i streiken. Streikebryteri ble forsøkt avverget, men ikke uten kostnad. Den lokale pressen sprikte i dekningen av streiken og trykte påstander om streikelederen. Det likte han dårlig. Partiene Venstre og Høyre motarbeidet streiken. Streiken var på mange måter dømt til å mislykkes fra start. Streiken bidro til at fagforeninger og deres organisasjoner i alle sektorer fikk økt innvirkning på regulering av arbeidslivet.
Joseph Edward Davies (1876‒1956) was U.S. ambassador to Moscow between 1936 and 1938. Davies was a lawyer who joined the Democrats and contributed to the success of the presidential election of ...Woodrow Wilson whom he supported in various capacities during his two terms 1912–1920. He was a close companion of Wilson before he became an international lawyer between the U.S. and Mexico, Peru, The Netherlands, Greece and the Dominican Republic. He was mainly involved in anti-trust cases representing Seagrams, National Dairy, Copley Publishing, Anglo-Swiss, Nestlé and Fox Films. Joseph E. Davies supported the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt who sent him in 1936 with his newly wed wife, the former Mrs. Post, as a U.S. ambassador to Moscow. Amb. Davies was led astray by his Soviet hosts, probably through the valuable art gifts he received for his personal art collection. He became as it were blindfolded while studying the Soviet Union and, especially, during the showtrials when he was called upon to watch closely and serve as a witness. The ambassador seemed to believe all the horrible crimes the victims of these trials accused of and showed no doubts whatsoever as to the trials. He sent his reports to Secretary of State Cordell Hull and President Roosevelt, published in his book Mission to Moscow which served as the basis of his 1943 Hollywood film, a great contribution to Soviet propaganda efforts as it came from an authoritative eyewitness who was present at these trials in the critical years in and after 1936, and up to 1938. Mission to Moscow was translated into several languages after World War Two, particularly in Eastern Europe, as it did excellent political service to the Soviet Union and to Joseph Stalin personally. Amb. Davies continued his career as a diplomat throughout and right after World War II.
The article is founded on a number of unpublished documents and it highlights the fact that the French Foreign Minister Louis Barthou had a plan of negotiation for an “Oriental Agreement”, based on ...the principle of collective security. To accomplish this goal,in 1934 Barthou went on a tour of several countries in Eastern Europe (Poland and Czechoslovakia in April, Romania and Yugoslavia in June). Through these – summit – meetings, Barthou hoped to prepare a rapprochement between The Soviet Union, Poland and the Little Agreement, which, together with the Balkan Agreement, was meant “to constitute a new policy of Central and Oriental Europe, guaranteeing peace in Eastern Europe”.
