The Ministry of Treasure was created with the legislation on creating Provisional Government of the Republic of Poland from December 21st, 1944. Competencies of the Ministry encompasses all affairs ...of the state treasure and financial politics, taxes, customs, budget, as well as credits, monetary issues, flotation issues, control over banks, insurance and assurance companies. As a result of law from March 7th, 1950 the office was transformed into the Ministry of Finance. Activity of the classified records office between 1945 and 1950 was regulated by four succeeding instructions, but they all were based on one system of managing records. The primary office register was a journal of classified cases – a typical office register, where all classified documents getting into or out of the office, were registered with subsequent Arabic numbers, starting with 1 for each year. Between 1945 and 1950 records of classified cases were stored according to their number in the journal of classified cases. From the point of view of history of records and bureaucracy, this system can be called an office system based on journal registers. This kind of processing classified records was, in that time, generally applicable for all state administration. This system was grounded in the mid-war period classified records offices and it is still used in this day.
Komuniści w pierwszym okresie po przejęciu władzy w Polsce (już w roku 1944) nie wypowiadali się wyraźnie o ustroju gospodarczym i politycznym. Oficjalne deklaracje wskazywały, że przemiany ustrojowe ...dokonywane będą z zachowaniem należytego respektu dla tradycyjnej struktury państwa.
Po rozbiciu przez komunistów w 1947 r. legalnej opozycji, przeciwnikiem partii stało się społeczeństwo. Kolejne grupy społeczeństwa polskiego określano jako „klasowo obce”, „bazę reakcji”, „wrogami narodu i państwa”, i prześladowano. Instrumentem za pomocą którego „władza ludowa” realizowała zadania i prześladowania było prawo, które zabezpieczało interesy klasy rządzącej.
Po II wojnie światowej (od 1945 r.) otwierano w Polsce nowe apteki prywatne, pomimo obaw o ich upaństwowienie, które to obawy aptekarze wypowiadali w prywatnych rozmowach. Po uzyskaniu koncesji właściciele prywatnych aptek remontowali je i otwierali przy pomocy własnych środków finansowych. Nie było to jednak łatwe zadanie, ponieważ występowały duże braki kadrowe fachowego personelu farmaceutycznego a osoby kończące studia farmaceutyczne były wówczas kierowane do pracy w aptekach państwowych.
Prywatni właściciele aptek borykali się również z problemem braku leków i utrudnionego ich zakupu w hurtowniach. Było to celowe działanie „władzy ludowej”. Jedyna istniejąca wówczas państwowa hurtownia farmaceutyczna „Centrosan” w pierwszej kolejności zaopatrywała apteki państwowe.
Represjami finansowymi, wobec właścicieli prywatnych aptek, było nadmierne obciążenie finansowe ich właścicieli, wręczanie przez urzędy skarbowe prywatnym aptekom wezwania do podwyższania zadeklarowanych obrotów i dochodów, ograniczenie świadczeń kredytowych dla aptek prywatnych, które miały trudności w uzyskaniu pożyczek bankowych oraz zwlekanie przez instytucje państwowe z regulowaniem należności w stosunku do aptek prywatnych, co powodowało, że kapitał tych aptek był zamrożony na kilka miesięcy.
Właściciele prywatnych aptek byli również oskarżani w sfingowanych procesach, m.in. zarzucano im zakup leków na „czarnym rynku” czy sprzedaż leków osobom nieuprawnionym. Zapadały wyroki skazujące aptekarzy nawet na kilkanaście miesięcy więzienia, co było również szeroko komentowane w prasie codziennej.
Wszystkie opisane powyżej działania „władzy ludowej” wobec właścicieli prywatnych aptek miały na celu zniszczenie wolnego zawodu aptekarskiego w Polsce, załamanie odporności psychicznej aptekarzy, wywołanie wrogości i potępienia przez społeczeństwo. Władzy udało się stworzyć odpowiednią atmosferę wśród aptekarstwa i przeprowadzić planowane przejęcie aptek prywatnych przez państwo w pierwszych dniach 1951 r.
Celem niniejszej pracy jest ukazanie represji wobec prywatnych właścicieli aptek, którzy według ówczesnej „władzy ludowej” nie wpisywali się w centralne zarządzanie służbą zdrowia i w centralnie planowaną gospodarkę.
Ówczesne akty prawne od 1939 r., dotyczące działania aptek, posłużyły za podstawowe źródło do przeprowadzenia analizy przedstawionej w niniejszej pracy. Akty prawne zostały uzupełnione o informacje propagandowe przekazywane aptekarzom w miesięczniku „Farmacja Polska”, które było wówczas jedynym pismem farmaceutycznym wychodzącym w Polsce. Literatura została uzupełniona o publikacje ukazujące opisywany problem, które ukazały się po roku 1990.
During the first period after seizing power in Poland (as early as 1944), the Communists did not make explicit statements about the economic and political system. The official declarations indicated that political transformations would be carried out with due respect for the traditional structure of the state.
Once the Communists crushed the legal opposition in 1947, society became the party's opponent. Successive groups of Polish society were labeled "aliens," "reactivists," "enemies of the nation and the state," and persecuted. The instrument through which the "people's government" carried out its tasks and persecutions was the law, which secured the interests of the ruling class.
After the Second World War (since 1945), new private pharmacies were opened in Poland, despite fears of their nationalization, which pharmacists voiced in private conversations. Upon obtaining licenses, owners of private pharmacies renovated and opened them with their own financial resources. However, this was not an easy task, as there was a severe shortage of professional pharmaceutical personnel and those graduating from pharmacy schools were then sent to work in state pharmacies.
Private owners of pharmacies also faced the problem of a shortage of medicines and the difficulty of buying them from wholesalers. This was a deliberate action of the "people's government". The only state pharmaceutical wholesaler that existed at the time, "Centrosan", supplied mostly state pharmacies.
Financial repression against the owners of private pharmacies included excessive financial burdens on their owners, the handing out of demands by tax offices to private pharmacies to increase their declared turnover and income, the restriction of credit benefits for private pharmacies that had difficulty obtaining bank loans, and the delay by state institutions in paying their dues to private pharmacies, which caused the capital of these pharmacies to be frozen for several months.
Owners of private pharmacies were also accused in trumped-up trials of, among other things, buying drugs on the "black market" or selling drugs to unauthorized persons. There were verdicts sentencing pharmacists to up to a dozen months in prison, which was also widely reported in the daily press.
All the actions described above by the "people's government" against the owners of private pharmacies were aimed at destroying the free profession of pharmacy in Poland, breaking down the mental toughness of pharmacists, creating hostility and condemnation by society. The government succeeded in creating the right atmosphere among the pharmacy profession and carried out the planned state takeover of private pharmacies in the first days of 1951.
The aim of this work is to show the repression against private pharmacy owners who, according to the then "people's power", did not fit into the central management of the health service and the centrally planned economy.
The then legal acts from 1939 on the operation of pharmacies served as the basic source for the analysis presented in this work. The legal acts were supplemented with propaganda information provided to pharmacists in the monthly "Farmacja Polska", which was the only pharmaceutical magazine published in Poland at that time. The literature was supplemented with publications presenting the described problem, which were published after 1990.
The article presents the determinants of the development of cycling in the areas incorporated by Poland in the first years after the Second World War. The biggest contribution into this process was ...made by people from large cities, pre-war enthusiasts and athletes who undertook the hardships of social activity and the engagement of local youth. Sports organizations were controlled, but also supported, by state authorities that used mass events in the propaganda policy and actions aimed at integrating the Northern and Western Lands with the rest of the country. This was an important task due to the difficult living conditions and marauding groups of criminals for whom Pomorze Zachodnie constituted an area of criminal activity, mainly plundering former German property, as well as attacking. Polish settlers. The development of cycling in Szczecin was favored by the German infrastructure, including a concrete track often used in national championships. At the end of 1949, sport in Poland was reorganized and centralized, making it similar to the Soviet model, where there was no room for social measures. The bourgeoisie clubs had to cease their activities, while the circles and clubs were created at workplaces and trade unions. Sports federations were liquidated and their place was occupied by sports clubs located within the structures of the state administration. The organizational changes were accompanied by the mass popularization of sport and increased financing for competitive sport from the state budget. The goal of such activities was to reach a wide group of young people for the needs of indoctrination, as well as to raise the level of sport to achieve more effective competition with Western countries.
Diese Edition dokumentiert zwei deutsche Schicksale in Polen, die unmittelbar mit dem Zusammenbruch der deutschen Herrschaft im Osten verbunden waren. Manfred Gebhardts Aufzeichnungen reflektieren ...Romantizismus, Naivität, vor allem aber Sensibilität eines jungen deutschen Soldaten, der in der Kriegsgefangenschaft erstmals direkt dem Land Polen und polnischen Menschen begegnet. Sie schildern die bisher wenig bekannte und dokumentierte Gefangenschaft deutscher Soldaten in Polen und die "Antifa"-Umerziehung, die eine erste "sozialistische Klassensolidarität" deutscher und polnischer Kommunisten begründen sollte. Die Aufzeichnungen dokumentieren ebenso ein Stück DDR-Gründungsgeschichte und sie sind zugleich be-eindruckendes Zeugnis der Suche nach Subjektivität und Objektivität eines Zeitzeugen, der später in der DDR eine nicht unwichtige Rolle im Pressewesen einnahm. Wie anders liest sich die Lebensgeschichte Joachim Küttners, der bis zu seiner abenteuerlichen Flucht in die Bundesrepublik 1958 immer mit Polen zusammengelebt hatte. Als deutscher Rittergutserbe wurde er im südlichen Teil des Posener Landes geboren, nahe der Grenze an der Prosna zum russischen Teilungsgebiet. Zwischenzeitlich wurde er polnischer Staatsbürger, seit 1939 im neu errichteten Reichsgau Wartheland aber wieder privilegiert und wie Millionen seiner Volksgenossen dazu ausersehen, zur "völkischen Neuordnung" in diesem Teil Polens beizutragen. Nach dem Zusammenbruch der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft sollte sich das Bild auf dramatische Weise wenden. Mit dem Augenblick dieser Wende beginnt Küttners Bericht. Die Gefangennahme Manfred Gebhardts in Böhmen mündet in eine vierjährige Lagerhaft, die Flucht Joachim Küttners vor der herannahenden Front in ein dreizehn Jahre währendes pseudonymes Leben. Gebhardt und Küttner lebten in Polen als "Gefangene und Fremde". Ihre Erfahrungen sind beispielhaft für die durch die jüngste Vergangenheit schwer belastete Begegnung von Deutschen und Polen nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges.
The relative decline of the East German economy after 1945 has eluded researchers, as several large shocks appeared to have hit it at the same time. In this paper, we revisit the immediate post-war ...period in both parts of Germany to obtain a more comprehensive picture of the output and productivity shocks operating in both economies. Our principal finding is that the dismantling of the capital stock alone cannot explain the inferior performance of the East German economy. The collapse of output after the war and the ensuing recovery in both parts of the country were driven by total factor productivity; changes in factor endowments were of second-order significance. West Germany began to lead East Germany in industrial labor productivity well before the economic reforms of 1948 could make their mark. The major factor contributing to this early divergence were disproportions in industrial structure caused by the division of Germany.
This international history of the origins and nature of 'cold war' offers the first systematic examination of the complex relationship between the United States and Italy, and of American debates ...about warfare in the years between World War II and the Korean War. Kaeten Mistry reveals how the defeat of the Marxist left in the 1948 Italian election was perceived as a victory for the United States amidst a 'war short of war', as defined by influential planner George Kennan, becoming an allegory for cold war in American minds. The book analyses how political warfare sought to employ covert operations, overt tactics and propaganda in a co-ordinated offensive against international communism. Charting the critical contribution of a broad network of local, religious, civic, labour, and business groups, Mistry reveals how the notion of a specific American success paved the way for a problematic future for US-Italian relations and American political warfare.
"Life in Transit is the long-awaited sequel to Shimon Redlich’s widely acclaimed Together and Apart in Brzezany, in which he discussed his childhood during the War and the Holocaust. Life in Transit ...tells the story of his adolescence in the city of Lodz in postwar Poland. Redlich’s personal memories are placed within the wider historical context of Jewish life in Poland and in Lodz during the immediate postwar years. Lodz in the years 1945-1950 was the second-largest city in the country and the major urban center of the Jewish population. Redlich’s research based on conventional sources and numerous interviews indicates that although the survivors still lived in the shadow of the Holocaust, postwar Jewish Lodz was permeated with a sense of vitality and hope."
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