The imaginary revolution Seidman, Michael
2004, 2004., 20040730, 2004-05-31, Letnik:
5
eBook, Book
The events of 1968 have been seen as a decisive turning point in the Western world of even mythical significance. The author takes a critical look at "May 1968" and questions whether the events were ...in fact as "revolutionary" as French and foreign commentators have indicated. His conclusions are rather more ambivalent: culturally, he argues, the student movement changed little that had not already been challenged and altered in the late fifties and early sixties. The workers' strikes led to fewer working hours and higher wages, but these reforms reflected the secular demands of the French labor movement. "May 1968" was remarkable not because of the actual transformations it wrought but rather by virtue of the revolutionary power that much of the media and most scholars have attributed to it and which turned it into a symbol of a youthful, renewed, and freer society in France and beyond.
Should divine silence be seen as a subtle way of Gods interference with human affairs? Or is to be seen as a sign of his absence? Korpel and de Moor produced a provocative monograph on this topic. ...This volume contains a set of reactions to their position.
Most Tim Burton films are huge box-office successes, and several are already
classics. The director’s mysterious and eccentric public persona attracts a
lot of attention, while the films themselves ...have been somewhat overlooked. Here,
Alison McMahan redresses this imbalance through a close analysis of Burton’s
key films and their industrial context. She argues that Burton has been a crucial
figure behind many of the transformations taking place in horror, fantasy, and
sci-fi films over the last two decades, and demonstrates how his own work draws on a
huge range of artistic influences: the films of George Melies, surrealism,
installation art, computer games, and many more. The Films of Tim Burton is the most in-depth analysis so far of the work of this unusual filmmaker – a director who has shown repeatedly that it is possible to reject mainstream Hollywood contentions while maintaining critical popularrity and commercial success.
Besedilo v nadaljevanju obravnava zgodnje učenje latinščine. Osredotoča se na zanj bistvene višje štiri osnovnošolske razrede, na tako imenovano predmetno stopnjo (starost učencev od 11 do 15 let, ob ...zgodnejšem vstopu v šolo od 10 do 14 let). To širša javnost slabo pozna, vse prepogosto jo dojema – naj bo večina z izkušnjo nižje klasične gimnazije ali poznejšega štiriletnega osnovnošolskega latinskega programa a priori izvzeta – kot nezanimivo oziroma, kako napačno, kot programsko manj pomembno od razredne ali srednješolske stopnje. Vsakokratna šolska oblast pa se, nasprotno, dobro zaveda pomena tega starostnega razdobja, ko se začenjajo ustvarjati zametki celostnega pogleda na svet in samega sebe, ter skuša zanj uvesti enovit, po svoji meri ukrojen šolski sistem, pri čemer je vedno znova na udaru tudi pouk klasičnih jezikov.
During May 1968, students and workers in France united in the biggest strike and the largest mass movement in French history. Protesting capitalism, American imperialism, and Gaullism, 9 million ...people from all walks of life, from shipbuilders to department store clerks, stopped working. The nation was paralyzed—no sector of the workplace was untouched. Yet, just thirty years later, the mainstream image of May '68 in France has become that of a mellow youth revolt, a cultural transformation stripped of its violence and profound sociopolitical implications. Kristin Ross shows how the current official memory of May '68 came to serve a political agenda antithetical to the movement's aspirations. She examines the roles played by sociologists, repentant ex-student leaders, and the mainstream media in giving what was a political event a predominantly cultural and ethical meaning. Recovering the political language of May '68 through the tracts, pamphlets, and documentary film footage of the era, Ross reveals how the original movement, concerned above all with the question of equality, gained a new and counterfeit history, one that erased police violence and the deaths of participants, removed workers from the picture, and eliminated all traces of anti-Americanism, anti-imperialism, and the influences of Algeria and Vietnam. May '68 and Its Afterlives is especially timely given the rise of a new mass political movement opposing global capitalism, from labor strikes and anti-McDonald's protests in France to the demonstrations against the World Trade Organization in Seattle.
Sorrow Guglani, Sam
The Lancet (British edition),
12/2019, Letnik:
394, Številka:
10215
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Someone says the work must be very sad—the bad news, all the deaths—too sad to weather, day to day, for a career, to not burn out. Their face wrinkles to a shape of fatigue or grand wisdom or ...distaste, and their voice breaks from its singsong sympathy into other notes: embarrassment, disappointment, even rage—that sorrowful events intrude in this way, here at the business of progress. That they're wider than we hold them to be, more than just aberrations turned from at life's sharp edges, the way we turn our eyes from an eclipse. That the world, parallel to its joys, brims with sorrow. George Saunders, a novelist, sees this, sees us all labouring “under some burden of sorrow…that…its like had been felt, would be felt, by scores of others, in all times, in every time”. And we see it too, in medicine, in our topography of loss, but we are at odds with it. As surely we should be? At odds, not just accepting? Surely this is required of us, for the very conception of medicine? And surely it's necessary, and understandable, caught here in drifts of sorrow, that we move with caution? Perhaps, but not like this. Not through a culture that parades Lady Macbeth's maxim to “consider it not so deeply”; that favours its own analgesia over the attendant ache of caring well; that even diminishes care into some decorative frill.
موقف غانا من أزمة لبنان 1958 علي متولي أحمد
Maǧallaẗ Kulliyyaẗ Al-ādāb Ǧāmiʿaẗ Būrsaʿīd,
07/2018, Letnik:
12, Številka:
12
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
في أعقاب إنهاء الاستعمار البريطاني في غانا عام 1957، وصل کوامي نکروما Kwame Nkrumah إلى سُدة الحکم، وکانت سياسته الخارجية ترتکز على تحقيق التنمية البشرية الشاملة، وتحرير القارة الأفريقية من الاستعمار ...الکلاسيکي، والوحدة القومية القارية، ومناهضة الاستعمار الجديد داخليًا وخارجيًا، وعبّر عن هذا من خلال کتابه "الاستعمار الجديد- آخر مراحل الإمبريالية"، لذا جاءت أزمة لبنان 1958 نموذجًا عمليًا لتُبرز هل اتسق نکروما مع توجهاته واقتناعاته الأيديولوجية خارج إطار القارة الأفريقية أم لا؟.
The Johor sultanate Hutchinson, Francis E; Nair, Vandana Prakash
2016., Letnik:
16
eBook
Malaysia's sultans have in recent years taken on an increasingly discernible role in the country's political life. However, rather than something new, the rulers' resurgence should be viewed as part ...of a longer term negotiation over the precise boundaries of their role. The Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail, is arguably the most visible of the country's rulers at present. Since ascending to the throne in 2010, he has constructed a prominent media profile and been active in many areas of policy-making. He reinstated the Islamic week, suggested expanding the role of the Johor Military Force, and promoted a unique state identity. Planned initiatives by him include a Bank of Johor, a large-scale low-cost housing scheme, as well as a maglev train linking the eastern and western parts of the state's southern coast. Sultan Ibrahim Ismail has also weighed in on national-level issues, such as the quality of national education and bilateral relations with Singapore. While the more ceremonial aspects of his actions are inspired by the pivotal role traditionally played by Malay rulers, the more operational aspects hark back to the colonial era when Johor had a reputation for modern administration, well-developed infrastructure, and a high degree of autonomy. At its core, the Sultan raises questions about Malay leadership, and may revive a long-standing contest between the rulers and the political elite, sometimes referred to as a battle between "princes and politicians".
Two approaches commonly used to deal with missing data are multiple imputation (MI) and inverse‐probability weighting (IPW). IPW is also used to adjust for unequal sampling fractions. MI is generally ...more efficient than IPW but more complex. Whereas IPW requires only a model for the probability that an individual has complete data (a univariate outcome), MI needs a model for the joint distribution of the missing data (a multivariate outcome) given the observed data. Inadequacies in either model may lead to important bias if large amounts of data are missing. A third approach combines MI and IPW to give a doubly robust estimator. A fourth approach (IPW/MI) combines MI and IPW but, unlike doubly robust methods, imputes only isolated missing values and uses weights to account for remaining larger blocks of unimputed missing data, such as would arise, e.g., in a cohort study subject to sample attrition, and/or unequal sampling fractions. In this article, we examine the performance, in terms of bias and efficiency, of IPW/MI relative to MI and IPW alone and investigate whether the Rubin’s rules variance estimator is valid for IPW/MI. We prove that the Rubin’s rules variance estimator is valid for IPW/MI for linear regression with an imputed outcome, we present simulations supporting the use of this variance estimator in more general settings, and we demonstrate that IPW/MI can have advantages over alternatives. IPW/MI is applied to data from the National Child Development Study.
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