The most important national commemoration of the twentieth century, the 1976 bicentennial celebration gave rise to a broadranging debate over how the American Revolution should be remembered and ...represented. Federal planners seeking an uncritical glorification of the nation’s founding came up against an array of constituencies with other interests and objectives. Inspired by the “new social history” that looked at the past “from the bottom up,” Americans who had previously been disenfranchised by traditional national narratives—African Americans, women, American Indians, workers, young people—demanded a voice and representation in the planning. Local communities, similarly suspicious of federal direction, sought control over their own bicentennial events. Corporate representatives promoted an approach that championed the convergence of patriotism and private enterprise, while commercial interests applied the marketing techniques of an expanding consumerism to hawk every imaginable kind of patriotic souvenir to all of these groups. The end result of these competing efforts, Tammy S. Gordon shows, was a national celebration that reflected some common themes, including a mistrust of federal power, an embrace of decentralized authority, and a new cultural emphasis on the importance of the self. The American Revolution Bicentennial can thus be seen as both a product of the social and political changes of the 1960s and a harbinger of things to come. After 1976, the postwar myth of a consensus view of American history came to an end, ensuring that future national commemorations would continue to be contested.
In the past decade, China was able to carry out economic reform without political reform, while the Soviet Union attempted the opposite strategy. How did China succeed at economic market reform ...without changing communist rule? Susan Shirk shows that Chinese communist political institutions are more flexible and less centralized than their Soviet counterparts were.
Shirk pioneers a rational choice institutional approach to analyze policy-making in a non-democratic authoritarian country and to explain the history of Chinese market reforms from 1979 to the present. Drawing on extensive interviews with high-level Chinese officials, she pieces together detailed histories of economic reform policy decisions and shows how the political logic of Chinese communist institutions shaped those decisions.
Combining theoretical ambition with the flavor of on-the-ground policy-making in Beijing, this book is a major contribution to the study of reform in China and other communist countries.
It has become a truism that continued economic reform in China will contribute to political change. Policy makers as well as many scholars expect that formation of a private sector will lead, ...directly or indirectly through the emergence of a civil society, to political change and ultimately democratization. The rapidly growing numbers of private entrepreneurs, the formation of business associations, and the cooperative relationships between entrepreneurs and local officials are seen as initial indicators of a transition from China's still nominally communist political system. This book, first published in 2003, focuses on two related issues: whether the Chinese Communist Party is willing and able to adapt to the economic environment its reforms are bringing about, and whether China's 'red capitalists', private entrepreneurs who also belong to the communist party, are likely to be agents of political change.
The transition from a planned to a market economy that began in China in the late 1970s unleashed an extraordinary series of changes, including increases in private enterprise, foreign investment, ...the standard of living, and corruption. Another result of economic reform has been the creation of a new class—China's new business elite. Margaret M. Pearson considers the impact that this new class is having on China's politics. She concludes that, contrary to the assumptions of Westerners, these groups are not at the forefront of the emergence of a civil society; rather, they are part of a system shaped deliberately by the Chinese state to ensure that economic development will not lead to democratization.
At the end of the Cold War the People's Republic of China found itself in an international crisis, facing severe problems in both domestic politics and foreign policy. Nearly two decades later, Yong ...Deng provides an original account of China's remarkable rise from the periphery to the center stage of the post-Cold War world. Deng examines how the once beleaguered country has adapted to, and proactively realigned, the international hierarchy, great-power politics, and its regional and global environment in order to carve out an international path within the globalized world. Creatively engaging with mainstream international relations theories and drawing extensively from original Chinese material, this is a well-grounded assessment of the promises and challenges of China's struggle to manage the interlacing of its domestic and international transitions and the interactive process between its rise and evolving world politics.
Monopsony in the US Labor Market Yeh, Chen; Macaluso, Claudia; Hershbein, Brad
The American economic review,
07/2022, Letnik:
112, Številka:
7
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
This paper quantifies employer market power in US manufacturing and how it has changed over time. Using administrative data, we estimate plant-level markdowns—the ratio between a plant’s marginal ...revenue product of labor and its wage. We find most manufacturing plants operate in a monopsonistic environment, with an average markdown of 1.53, implying a worker earning only 65 cents on the marginal dollar generated. To investigate long-term trends for the entire sector, we propose a novel, theoretically grounded measure for the aggregate markdown. We find that it decreased between the late 1970s and the early 2000s, but has been sharply increasing since. (JEL J24, J31, J38, J42, L13, L60)
Despite many predictions of collapse and disintegration, China has managed to sustain unity and gain international stature since the Tiananmen crisis of 1989. Originally published in 2004, this ...volume addresses the 'fragmentation/disintegration thesis' and examines the sources and dynamics of China's resilience. Through theoretically informed empirical studies, the volume's authors look at key institutions for political integration and economic governance. They also dissect how difficult policies to regulate economic and social life (employment and migration, population planning, industrial adjustment, and regional disparities) are designed and implemented. The authors show that China's leaders have retained authoritarian political institutions, but have also reinforced and modified them, constructing fresh ones in the light of changing circumstances. Institutional and policy adaptations together have helped shore up political authority and create an environment for rapid growth, while accommodating growing diversity.
Asset Pricing with Omitted Factors Giglio, Stefano; Xiu, Dacheng
The Journal of political economy,
07/2021, Letnik:
129, Številka:
7
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Standard estimators of risk premia in linear asset pricing models are biased if some priced factors are omitted. We propose a three-pass method to estimate the risk premium of an observable factor, ...which is valid even when not all factors in the model are specified or observed. The risk premium of the observable factor can be identified regardless of the rotation of the other control factors if together they span the true factor space. Our approach uses principal components of test asset returns to recover the factor space and additional regressions to obtain the risk premium of the observed factor.
Después de más de 40 años tras el final de la dictadura argentina (1976-1983), la
huella de la violencia extrema todavía está latente en la memoria social argentina, que
ha calado igualmente en las ...segundas generaciones de la dictadura, quienes se han visto
en la necesidad de cuestionar el discurso y los silencios que entretejen y conforman el
legado dictatorial, para poder evocar, (re)pensar e interrogar su pasado e inscribirlo
dentro de un relato. En el caso de Lola Arias y de los protagonistas de Mi vida después,
estamos ante hijas e hijos de la dictadura argentina que abogan por un proceso de
asimilación y reinterpretación de todos los discursos heredados, de todas las versiones
asumidas (por muy contradictorias que sean entre sí muchas veces), para poder verbalizar
sucesos silenciados intencionalmente de un pasado traumático. En un intento proteico por
dar espacio sobre la escena a todos los discursos/narraciones/objetos/archivos
heredados, estos se van reescribiendo, reinterpretando y reconstruyendo en un gerundio
imposible de cerrar, al encuentro de una polifonía de materiales y voces, con la firme
finalidad de construir un puente entre el hiato existente entre el presente y el pasado,
para que así el presente (y por ende, el futuro) pueda ser más entendible a través de un
recuerdo (que bien pueda ser mediado o ficcional).
