itrinin (CIT) predstavlja mikotoksin za koji je utvrđeno da je odgovoran za kontaminaciju mnogih poljoprivrednih proizvoda poput: pšenice, ječma, kukuruza, riže i njihovih proizvoda, kao i drugih ...namirnica i hrane za životinje, osim onih na bazi žitarica, koje se koriste za prehranu ljudi i hranidbu životinja. Najviše ga proizvodi Penicillium citrinum, iako se može biosintetizirati i iz Penicillium expansum i Penicillium verrucosum te nekih vrsta Aspergillus i Monascus. Međutim, istraživanja pokazuju da su za CIT utvrđena genotoksična, hepatotoksična, fetotoksična i teratogena svojstva. Cilj ovoga istraživanja je bio utvrditi pojavnost CIT u zrnju pšenice koje se uzgaja na Kosovu i u Albaniji. S obzirom na činjenicu da je pšenično brašno najviše konzumirani proizvod na Kosovu i u Albaniji, analize CIT u zrnju pšenice u ove dvije zemlje od velikog su značenja. Ukupno je uzorkovano 60 uzoraka zrna pšenice na području poznatom kao Fusha e Kosovës (Kosovo), Myzeqeja (Albanija) i Fusha e Maliqit (Albanija), koja
predstavljaju lokalitete na kojima se proizvodi najveća količina pšenice. Za određivanje koncentracije CIT korištena je imunoenzimna metoda ELISA. Za identifikaciju plijesni koje predstavljaju potencijalne producente CIT primijenjena je tradicionalna makroskopska i mikroskopska metoda te molekularna PCR metoda identifikacije. CIT je određen u 96,6 % i 86,6 % uzoraka zrnja pšenice prikupljenih na Kosovu i u Albaniji. Najveća količina CIT-a u zrnju pšenice proizvedenom na Kosovu bila je 53,12 μg/kg, a u Albaniji 45,74 μg/kg. Količina CIT utvrđena u pšenici ne može se usporediti s najvećom dopuštenom količinom (NDK), jer njegova razina u europskom zakonodavstvu nije definirana. No budući da podatci o količinama CIT u žitaricama uzgojenim na Kosovu i u Albaniji nisu dostupni, dobiveni rezultati mogu poslužiti kao pokazatelj kontaminacije zrnja pšenice na ovom dijelu Balkanskog poluotoka.
This monograph is about the ongoing, unstable reconstruction of spaces and places in the village of Dhërmi/Drimades of southern Albania. It is based on twelve months of anthropological field research ...in that village. Particular consideration is given to the process of reconfiguration and redefinition of the meanings that pertain to the village and its people. The monograph focuses on local peoples’ biographies, oral histories, rhetorical claims, and their everyday discourses, through which it is shown how the meanings of the village are reconstructed through interrelations of the locals with other people and places. The underlying theme is the continuity of movements and interrelations through which the local people of Dhërmi/Drimades recreate and reproduce the sense of locatedness of “their” village and themselves.
U radu se ukratko pokušava prikazati trnovit put razvoja bioetike i institucionalizacije
bioetike u dvjema državama jugoistočne Europe - Republici Kosovo i Republici Albaniji - s obzirom na pravne, ...javnoupravne i društvene parametre. Polazeći od primjera “europske institucionalizacije”, u članku se analiziraju povijest i aktualna situacija na Kosovu i u Albaniji, uzimajući u obzir najistaknutije pojedince i ideje u domeni institucionalizacije bioetike. Dok Kosovu nedostaje ratifikacija nekih temeljnih dokumenata (Deklaracija iz Ovieda), Albanija ima duže i bogatije iskustvo u ovom području, ali još uvijek nema raznolikost pristupa koja je tako prisutna i obećavajuća u većini europskih zemalja. Konačno, daju se preporuke za bioetičku institucionalizaciju te je detaljnije izložena posebna uloga etike u razvoju javne uprave u slučaju Kosova.
Prvi nalazi vrste Polydrusus (Conocetus) crinipes Germann 2018 u južnoj Hrvatskoj i Albaniji značajno povećava rasprostranjenje vrste prema sjeveru. Vrsta je dosad bila ograničena na područje Grčke i ...Bugarske. Stanište na Baćinskim jezerima, gdje je vrsta pronađena u Hrvatskoj, u skladu je s njenim ekološkim sklonostima.
Kolaps reda i rasprostranjeno nasilje u Albaniji 1997. godine prouzročilo je pad Vlade i smrt oko 2.000 osoba. Neredi 1997. godine bili su posljedica propasti špekulativnih financijskih piramidalnih ...shema koje su nalikovale ratnoj ekonomskoj strukturi. Tijekom događaja 1997. godine došlo je do konfiskacije i krađe državne imovine velikih razmjera. Tranzicijsko razdoblje Albanije iz komunističkog u demokratski sustav, započeto 1990. godine, dovelo je do uspostave novih struktura za profitiranje od resursa te zemlje. Neke od tih političkih i ekonomskih struktura nestale su kao posljedica događaja 1997. godine, a druge, uključujući njihove strukturalne posljedice, i dalje su prisutne i imaju utjecaj na političku stabilnost i ekonomski napredak zemlje. Danas možemo ocijeniti uspjehe i neuspjehe Albanije na temelju napretka te zemlje od događaja 1997. godine. U članku se analiziraju događaji 1997. godine kao i transformacija albanskih političkih i ekonomskih struktura između 1997. i 2016. godine, uzimajući u obzir postignuća i neuspjehe. Iz perspektive uspješnosti sagledava se način na koji se zemlja nosila s izgradnjom mira i razvojnom agendom nakon 1997. godine. Razmatraju se čimbenici koji su doveli do neuspješnosti države 1997. godine, kao i oni nakon toga, a koji su pridonijeli povijesnoj uvjetovanosti do trenutnog političkog konteksta države. Premda se mnogo pisalo o 1997. godini, vrlo je malo provedenih analiza iz perspektive istraživanja neuspješnih država. U tom kontekstu u članku se pokušava ponuditi Albanija kao primjer studije slučaja transformativnog procesa od ustanka do sadašnje situacije obilježene kao mješavina uspjeha i neuspjeha. U ovom se članku ukazuje na nekoliko pouka koje bi mogle biti od koristi za strategije usmjerene prema procesu transformacije.
The Ph.D. thesis Yugoslav Policy Towards the Neighboring Countries of People’s Democracy 1953-1958 is based on Yugoslav archival sources from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archives of ...the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Serbia and the Military Archives, as well as on the relevant domestic and foreign literature. The thesis deals with Yugoslav policy towards Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary during the period of normalization of relations between these countries and Yugoslavia after Stalin’s death, i.e. after a five years’ period of almost complete interruption in bilateral relations. It is an attempt at a study of the interplay of Yugoslavia’s relations with immediate neighborhood during the Cold War and Yugoslav interests on the one hand, and interests of foreign factors, such as the Soviet Union and the leading Western nations in Yugoslavia and in the neighboring countries within the framework of the normalization of Yugoslavia’s relations with the above mentioned countries. During the several phases the Yugoslav relations with Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary went through between March 1953 and April 1958 (from Stalin’s death until the signing of the Belgrade Declaration, from then to the 20th congress of the CP of the USSSR, from then until the beginning of the events in Hungary in 1956 and from then until the critique of the new Program of the CP of Yugoslavia), the Yugoslav policy changed in accordance with the situation, preserving the interest in normalizing relations and insisting that all neighboring countries of “people’s democracy” should condemn their former policy towards Yugoslavia and rehabilitate all those who had been sentenced as Yugoslav spies at show trials. The main goal of this Ph.D. thesis was to provide new knowledge of the topic, new views on Yugoslav foreign policy and to propose a new vantage point on the Yugoslav relations with the Soviet Union, and on relations with the Warsaw Pact as a whole. Connected with this was another goal of the thesis that concrens the reconstruction of Yugoslav policy toward these countries and the attempt to pinpoint the characteristics, methods and goals of that policy that were different from those of Yugoslav policy toward other east European countries. The third goal of the topic of Yugoslav policy toward the neighboring countries of „people’s democracy“ between 1953 and 1958 was also to systematize the existing knowledge on the subject in view of better accessability of sources as compared with the situation of several decades ago when the most important works touching upon some aspects of this topic were written. The fourth goal of the research was to determin chronologically clearly defined phases that the Yugoslav relations with Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania had gone through during the researched period and to identify the factors that influenced the process. At the time of Stalin’s death the countries of „people’s democracy“ were far from the focus of the Yugoslav foreign policy, because, among other things, their importance was small due to the severed inter-state relations. However, the changes that set in the Soviet Union soon after Stalin’s death made the beginning of normalization of relations with the „first country of socialism“ possible. This entailed the possibility that Yugoslavia also normalizes its relations with neighboring countries of „people’s democracy“. When these countries were in question, Yugoslavia’s primary interest didn’t lie in political or economic spheres as in the case of the Soviet Union, but rather in the sphere of practical inter-state matters weighting heavily on Yugoslavia. Supreme was the interest to do away as soon as possible with the military threat on the borders and to change the situation on the „line of demarcation“ that had required much material and human resources in the years after 1948. Furthermore, Yugoslavia had a clear interest in improving the situation of members of Yugoslav minorities in the neighboring countries of „people’s democracy“, as well as in normalization of trafic. The reason why Yugoslavia showed no great interest in political or economic cooperation with these countries lay in the fact that she had in the meantime, during the years of conflict, found alternative solutions in the spheres of foreign policy and economy, reducing thus to insignifficance the blocade imposed on her from the East. However, the price of that alternative solution was high and it threatened to endanger the power monopoly of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia, which was unacceptable for Tito and his innermost circle of collaborators. For that reason, the possibility of finding common grounds with Moscow was for Tito an oportunity to balance Yugoslavia’s position between the two competing blocs in a worsened Cold War atmosphere. Yugoslavia’s relation to the USSSR and vice versa, can be seen as one of the most important factors influencing Yugoslav policy toward the neighboring countries of „people’s democracy“ on the one hand, and on the other, one that was decisively shaping their policy towards Yugoslavia. Another important factor influencing Yugoslav policy toward the countries of „people’s democracy“ in the vicinity between 1953 and 1958 was closely connected with the Yugoslav-Soviet relations and it concerned primarily ideology and, in that context, destalinization. Having created her own model of „self-managing“ socialism during the years of conflict with the Cominform, during the process of normalization Yugoslavia didn’t accept the unity of the Eastern Bloc and the matter of her return to it was one of the main stumbling blocks both in her relations with the USSR and with the neighbors such as Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. In that context, destalinisation, i.e. its progress and depth in the neighboring countries of „people’s democracy“ and their willingnes to distance themselves from the Stalinist ideology was one of the major factors influencing Yugoslavia’s policy toward those countries. Finally, the important factor influencing Yugoslav foreign policy in general, including part of the Eastern Block or it as a whole, were Yugoslavia’s relations with the West that had been so improved during the years of conflict with the Cominform, that they led Yugoslavia, although unwillingly, to the brink of joining the western military alliance. The West was unhappy with Yugoslav rapprochement with the USSR and eastern European countries and every step that brought closer the two once confonted parties during the process of normalization of their relations, caused the West to doubt Yugoslavia’s sincerety and cause fears for the future relations between the West and Yugoslavia. As a result of interplay of several major foreign political factors and Yugoslav interests in the imediate socialist block neighborhood, the Yugoslav policy toward the East in general and toward Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary individually, emerged in the given form. Between 1953 and 1958 that policy was active and positive, but not without restrains. During those years Yugoslavia clearly showed interest in normalizing her relations with the neighboring countries with whom she shared not only borders, but ideology too, but in most cases she was not willing to be the one to initiate concrete steps in that process. Deeming that it had not been her fault but that of her neighbors that the bilateral relations had been spoiled, she observed strictly the principle (that she also championed in her relations with the USSR) that the side that had been responsible for the interruption of normal good neighborly relations should also make the first move. Having in mind all the interests, wishes and aspirations that Yugoslavia had concerning the space imediatly bordering on her territory as well as the factors necessarily infuencing her policy, it can be said that Yugoslavia led the policy of what was possible toward the neighboring countries of „people’s democracy“ during tthe period of normalization of bilateral relations 1953-1958. However, that policy wasn’t always the same toward all these neighboring countries, for simple reason that it didn’t meet with the same conditions and possibilities in them. Where possibilities were greater, Yugoslavia acheived more. However, as the time went by and as Yugoslavia became increasingly more successful in finding her own „third way“, it seems she was increasingly less interested in substantial cooperation with most of the neighbors from whom (since they were all members of the Eastern Block) certain distance should be kept – in keeping with the new foreign political strategy that foresaw equidistance towards both blocs as a must.
Doktorska disertacija Jugoslovenska politika prema zemljama narodne demokratije u susedstvu 1953 – 1958. godine zasnovana je na jugoslovenskim arhivskim izvorima iz Arhiva Srbije i Crne Gore, Diplomatskog arhiva Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije i Vojnog arhiva kao i na relevantnoj domaćoj i stranoj literaturi. Disertacija se bavi jugoslovenskom politikom prema Albaniji, Bugarskoj, Rumuniji i Mađarskoj u periodu normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije sa ovim zemljama posle Staljinove smrti tj. posle petogodišnjeg perioda tokom koga su njihovi odnosi bili u gotovo potpunom prekidu. Ona predstavlja pokušaj da se sagleda odnos Jugoslavije prema neposrednom susedstvu u uslovima hladnog rata i sadejstva jugoslovenskih interesa sa jedne i spoljnih faktora poput uloge Sovjetskog Saveza u procesu normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije sa pomenutim zemljama ili uloge vodećih zapadnih zemalja i njihovih interesa u Jugoslaviji i susednim zemljama „narodne demokratije“ sa druge strane. U nekoliko faza kroz koje su od marta 1953. do aprila 1958. godine prošli odnosi Jugoslavije sa Albanijom, Bugarskom, Rumunijom i Mađarskom (od Staljinove smrti do potpisivanja Beogradske deklaracije, od potpisivanja Beogradske deklaracije do XX kongre
Internet se često služi kao nov, učinkovit način političke komunikacije. Intenzivno se ugrađuje kao dio vladine komunikacije da bi se dobila povratna informacija od javnosti, ted a bi se uvela ...dvosmjerna komunikacija građani/poduzetništvo i vlada. Takozvana e-vlada je process ili mehanizam koji može povećati transparentnost i smanjiti korupciju. Ovaj rad istražiti će upotrebu interneta albanske vlade, metode i taktike koje se koriste da bi se maksimizirale koristi dvosmjernog komunikacijskog procesa. Ispitati će se stanje interneta u Albaniji i način na koji se razvija e-vlada uzimajući u obzir europske standarde. U radu će se objasniti kako digitalizacija javnih informacija utječe na uključivanje ljudi u process odlučivanja – kod vlade al ii uključivanja u diskusije o važnim vladinim odlukama.
As the title suggests the subject of the research was to define the role of security policies of the Western Balkan countries in their establishing the foreign policy priorities. This topic has not ...been yet the subject of analysis done by local authors in a comprehensive and systematic way. We faces only with analysis about influences of individual security policy elements of decision making foreign policy priorities. It was presumed in this paper that only a comprehensive analysis can make a valid conclusion about the results of various security and foreign policies that caused changes and progress in the development of in cooperation and democratization of the Western Balkan countries. The burden of the past, near and distant, has a significant impact on the pace of political and economic changes, as well as the development of the democratic institutions in the Western Balkan countries. The dissertation emphasizes that the changes are very important and necessary to resolve outstanding issues within the institution, not outside them. Regional networking is identified as a precondition to access the region integration initiatives, which achieve the goals: strengthening the internal and external security of region countries, promoting neighbour cooperation, quality preparation for entering the process of European integration and the global network security. Using the method of analogy, the author compared the differences and similarities between the foreign and security policies of the Western Balkan countries. The results of the analysis have made it possible to establish the scope according to science-based fundamentals, to foresee future directions of the security policies development, their role in the determination of foreign policy priorities and the level of regional security cooperation development. The author makes conclusion that the current analysis of the Western Balkan countries contribution to the regional and global security, and it indicates that the security and foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries Governments are trying to reduce cross-border and regional tensions. Significant demilitarization of the region, building democratic institutions and obvious reduction of inter-state conflict threat, show the volume of changes that have occurred in the past thirteen years. Confirmation of transition of Western Balkan countries is in the fact that the sole beneficiary of the great powers, rank among the participants fighting against modern transnational threats, ratified by participation in peacekeeping and crisis management missions, led by the UN, EU and NATO in the past few years. Finally, the conclusion was made in this paper that each regional country here is ready to cooperate with the neighbours and generally enhances security and foreign policy which do not threaten the regional peace, stability and security.
Kao što se nagoveštava u naslovu rada, predmet istraživanja predstavlja utvrđivanje uloge politika bezbednosti država Zapadnog Balkana u formiranju spoljnopolitičkih prioriteta. Ova tema do sada nije bila predmet istraživanja domaćih autora, na sveobuhvatan i sistematski način, već su se analizirali isključivo spoljnopolitički dometi država regiona posredovani pojedinačnim bezbednosno političkim aspektima, bez njihovog objedinjavanja u celinu. U radu se pošlo od pretpostavke da se jedino sveobuhvatnom analizom može doneti valjan zaključak o rezultatima raznolikih bezbednosnih i spoljnopolitičkih promena i njihovom uticaju na pomake u procesu razvoja saradnje i demokratizacije država Zapadnog Balkana. Težina tereta prošlosti, bliske i daleke, znatno utiče na brzinu političko-ekonomskih promena i razvoj demokratskih institucija u državama Zapadnog Balkana, pri čemu se u radu ističe da su promene itekako značajne i neophodne radi rešavanja otvorenih pitanja unutar institucija, a ne izvan njih. Regionalno povezivanje se izdvaja kao preduslov pristupa zemalja regiona integrativnim inicijativama, kojima se ostvaruju brojni ciljevi: jačanje spoljne i unutrašnje bezbednosti država regiona; unapređenje dobrosusedske saradnje; kvalitetna priprema država za ulazak u evropske integracije i globalnu mrežu bezbednosti. Primenom metode analogije autor je pristupio utvrđivanju sličnosti i razlika između spoljnih politika i politika bezbednosti država Zapadnog Balkana. Rezultati analize omogućili su da se na naučno zasnovanim osnovama utvrde njihovi trenutni dometi, predvide dalji pravci razvoja politika bezbednosti, njihova uloga u utvrđivanju spoljnopolitičkih prioriteta i stepen razvoja regionalne bezbednosne saradnje. Autor zaključuje da trenutna analiza doprinosa Zapadnog Balkana regionalnoj i globalnoj bezbednosti ukazuje na to da se politike bezbednosti i spoljnopolitički prioriteti vlada zemalja Zapadnog Balkana razvijaju u pravcu smanjenja međudržavne i regionalne napetosti. Značajna demilitarizacija regiona, izgradnja demokratskih institucija i vidno umanjenje pretnji od međudržavnih sukoba pokazuju širinu i dubinu promena koje su nastupile u prethodnih trinaest godina. Potvrda tranzicije politika država Zapadnog Balkana leži i u činjenici da su od isključivog korisnika pomoći velikih sila, svrstane u red učesnika u borbi protiv savremenih transnacionalnih pretnji, što potvrđuju učešćem u mirovnim misijama i upravljanju krizama, u organizaciji UN, EU i NATO, u poslednjih nekoliko godina. Na kraju, u radu se izvodi zaključak da svaka država u regionu izražava težnju za saradnjom sa svojim susedima i uglavnom promoviše bezbednosnu i spoljnu politiku koja ne ugrožava regionalni mir, stabilnost i bezbednost.
U radu se na temelju izvornoga gradiva iz Državnoga arhiva u Veneciji razmatra oporuka biskupa Nikole Vladagnija, Skadranina, koji je bio na čelu biskupije Lješ (tal. Alessio, danas Lezhë) u Albaniji ...od 1692. do 1705. godine, s osvrtom na problematiku otkupa kršćanskih robova, oporučnog darivanja novca u tu svrhu i pravnih poteškoća koje su pratile taj proces.
Događaji koji su prethodili neovisnosti Albanije podrobno su dokumentirani u njemačkom diplomatskom arhivu. Njemački diplomati iz regije, u Istanbulu, Ateni, Sofiji, Solunu, Skopju i Cetinju, kao i ...oni u glavnim gradovima velesila, u Londonu, Rimu, Sankt Peterburgu i Beču, izvještavali su Berlin o događanjima u europskom dijelu Osmanskoga Carstva. Cilj je ovoga rada proučiti spomenute dokumente i učiniti ih dostupnima široj javnosti i novim generacijama povjesničara. Bibliografija njemačkoga Ministarstva vanjskih poslova Auswaertiges Amt, Politisches Archiv Findbuch, Auswaertiges Amt 1867-1920 katalogizira sve dokumente o Albaniji pod vladavinom Carigrada do 1914. jer je njemačko veleposlanstvo u Carigradu do 1914. bilo zaduženo za Albaniju. Te je godine Njemačka prvi put otvorila veleposlanstvo u Tirani te se od tada dokumenti za Albaniju katalogiziraju zasebno. Iz arhivirane dokumentacije vidljivo je da je Njemačka bila vrlo zainteresirana za događanja u Albaniji te da je aktivno podržavala albansku neovisnost, odnosno uspostavljanje albanske države.
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