This book challenges the widely accepted notion that globalization encourages economic convergence--and, by extension, cultural homogenization--across national borders. A systematic comparison of ...organizational change in Argentina, South Korea, and Spain since 1950 finds that global competition forces countries to exploit their distinctive strengths, resulting in unique development trajectories.
In this pathbreaking history, Donna J. Guy shows how feminists, social workers, and female philanthropists contributed to the emergence of the Argentine welfare state through their advocacy of child ...welfare and family-law reform. From the creation of the government-subsidized Society of Beneficence in 1823, women were at the forefront of the child-focused philanthropic and municipal groups that proliferated first to address the impact of urbanization, European immigration, and high infant mortality rates, and later to meet the needs of wayward, abandoned, and delinquent children. Women staffed child-centered organizations that received subsidies from all levels of government. Their interest in children also led them into the battle for female suffrage and the campaign to promote the legal adoption of children. When Juan Perón expanded the welfare system during his presidency (1946–1955), he reorganized private charitable organizations that had, until then, often been led by elite and immigrant women. Drawing on extensive research in Argentine archives, Guy reveals significant continuities in Argentine history, including the rise of a liberal state that subsidized all kinds of women’s and religious groups. State and private welfare efforts became more organized in the 1930s and reached a pinnacle under Juan Perón, when men took over the welfare state and philanthropic and feminist women’s influence on child-welfare activities and policy declined. Comparing the rise of Argentina’s welfare state with the development of others around the world, Guy considers both why women’s child-welfare initiatives have not received more attention in historical accounts and whether the welfare state emerges from the top down or from the bottom up.
In the 1970s, Argentina was the leader in the “Dirty War,” a violent campaign by authoritarian South American regimes to repress leftwing groups and any others who were deemed subversive. Over the ...course of a decade, Argentina’s military rulers tortured and murdered upwards of 30,000 citizens. Even today, after thirty years of democratic rule, the horror of that time continues to roil Argentine society. Argentina has also been in the vanguard in determining how to preserve sites of torture, how to remember the “disappeared,” and how to reflect on the causes of the Dirty War. Across the capital city of Buenos Aires are hundreds of grassroots memorials to the victims, documenting the scope of the state’s reign of terror. Although many books have been written about this era in Argentina’s history, the original Spanishlanguage edition of Memories of Buenos Aires was the first to identify and interpret all of these sites. It was published by the human rights organization Memoria Abierta, which used interviews with survivors to help unearth that painful history. This translation brings this important work to an Englishspeaking audience, offering a comprehensive guidebook to clandestine sites of horror as well as innovative sites of memory. The book divides the 48 districts of the city into 9 sectors, and then proceeds neighborhoodbyneighborhood to offer descriptions of 202 known “sites of state terrorism” and 38 additional places where people were illegally detained, tortured, and killed by the government.
In this original study, Jorge A. Nállim chronicles the decline of liberalism in Argentina during the volatile period between two military coups-the 1930 overthrow ofHipólito Yrigoyen and the deposing ...of Juan Perón in 1955. While historians have primarily focused on liberalism in economic or political contexts, Nállim instead documents a wide range of locations where liberalism was claimed and ultimately marginalized in the pursuit of individual agendas.Nállim shows how concepts of liberalism were espoused by various groups who "invented traditions" to legitimatize their methods of political, religious, class, intellectual, or cultural hegemony. In these deeply fractured and corrupt processes, liberalism lost political favor and alienated the public. These events also set the table for Peronism and stifled the future of progressive liberalism in Argentina.Nállim describes the main political parties of the period and deconstructs their liberal discourses. He also examines major cultural institutions and shows how each attached liberalism to their cause.Nállim compares and contrasts the events in Argentina to those in other Latin American nations and reveals their links to international developments. While critics have positioned the rhetoric of liberalism during this period as one of decadence or irrelevance, Nállim instead shows it to be a vital and complex factor in the metamorphosis of modern history in Argentina and Latin America as well.
Generally portrayed as a windswept wasteland of marginal use for human habitation, Patagonia is an unmatched testing ground for some of the world’s most important questions about human ecology and ...cultural change. In this volume, archaeologist Raven Garvey presents a critical synthesis of Patagonian prehistory, bringing an evolutionary perspective and unconventional evidence to bear on enduringly contentious issues in New World archaeology, including initial human colonization of the Americas, widespread depopulation between 8,000 and 4,000 years ago, and the transition from foraging to farming.
Garvey’s novel hypotheses question common assumptions regarding Patagonia’s suitability for prehistoric hunter-gatherers. She makes four primary arguments: (1) the surprising lack of clothing in parts of prehistoric Patagonia supports a relatively slow initial colonization of the Americas; (2) the sparse record of human habitation during the middle Holocene may be due to prehistoric behavioral changes and archaeological sampling methods rather than population decline; (3) farming never took root in Patagonia because risks associated with farming likely outweighed potential benefits; and, finally, (4) the broad trajectory of cultural change in Patagonia owes as much to feedback between population size and technology as to conditions in the rugged Patagonian outback itself.
For decades, Argentina's population was subject to human rights violations ranging from the merely disruptive to the abominable. Violence pervaded Argentine social and cultural life in the repression ...of protest crowds, a ruthless counterinsurgency campaign, massive numbers of abductions, instances of torture, and innumerable assassinations. Despite continued repression, thousands of parents searched for their disappeared children, staging street protests that eventually marshaled international support. Challenging the notion that violence simply breeds more violence, Antonius C. G. M. Robben's provocative study argues that in Argentina violence led to trauma, and that trauma bred more violence. In this work of superior scholarship, Robben analyzes the historical dynamic through which Argentina became entangled in a web of violence spun out of repeated traumatization of political adversaries. This violence-trauma-violence cycle culminated in a cultural war that "disappeared" more than ten thousand people and caused millions to live in fear.Political Violence and Trauma in Argentinademonstrates through a groundbreaking multilevel analysis the process by which different historical strands of violence coalesced during the 1970s into an all-out military assault on Argentine society and culture. Combining history and anthropology, this compelling book rests on thorough archival research; participant observation of mass demonstrations, exhumations, and reburials; gripping interviews with military officers, guerrilla commanders, human rights leaders, and former disappeared captives. Robben's penetrating analysis of the trauma of Argentine society is of great importance for our understanding of other societies undergoing similar crimes against humanity.
Arsenic (As) speciation in surface and groundwater from two provinces in Argentina (San Juan and La Pampa) was investigated using solid phase extraction (SPE) cartridge methodology with comparison to ...total arsenic concentrations. A third province, Río Negro, was used as a control to the study. Strong cation exchange (SCX) and strong anion exchange (SAX) cartridges were utilised in series for the separation and preservation of arsenite (As
III
), arsenate (As
V
), monomethylarsonic acid (MA
V
) and dimethylarsinic acid (DMA
V
). Samples were collected from a range of water outlets (rivers/streams, wells, untreated domestic taps, well water treatment works) to assess the relationship between total arsenic and arsenic species, water type and water parameters (pH, conductivity and total dissolved solids, TDS). Analysis of the waters for arsenic (total and species) was performed by inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS) in collision cell mode. Total arsenic concentrations in the surface and groundwater from Encon and the San José de Jáchal region of San Juan (north-west Argentina within the Cuyo region) ranged from 9 to 357 μg l
−1
As. Groundwater from Eduardo Castex (EC) and Ingeniero Luiggi (LU) in La Pampa (central Argentina within the Chaco-Pampean Plain) ranged from 3 to 1326 μg l
−1
As. The pH range for the provinces of San Juan (7.2–9.7) and La Pampa (7.0–9.9) are in agreement with other published literature. The highest total arsenic concentrations were found in La Pampa well waters (both rural farms and pre-treated urban sources), particularly where there was high pH (typically > 8.2), conductivity (>2,600 μS cm
−1
) and TDS (>1,400 mg l
−1
). Reverse osmosis (RO) treatment of well waters in La Pampa for domestic drinking water in EC and LU significantly reduced total arsenic concentrations from a range of 216–224 μg l
−1
As to 0.3–0.8 μg l
−1
As. Arsenic species for both provinces were predominantly As
III
and As
V
. As
III
and As
V
concentrations in San Juan ranged from 4–138 μg l
−1
to <0.02–22 μg l
−1
for surface waters (in the San José de Jáchal region) and 23–346 μg l
−1
and 0.04–76 μg l
−1
for groundwater, respectively. This translates to a relative As
III
abundance of 69–100% of the total arsenic in surface waters and 32–100% in groundwater. This is unexpected because it is typically thought that in oxidising conditions (surface waters), the dominant arsenic species is As
V
. However, data from the SPE methodology suggests that As
III
is the prevalent species in San Juan, indicating a greater influence from reductive processes. La Pampa groundwater had As
III
and As
V
concentrations of 5–1,332 μg l
−1
and 0.09–592 μg l
−1
for EC and 32–242 μg l
−1
and 30–277 μg l
−1
As for LU, respectively. Detectable levels of MA
V
were reported in both provinces up to a concentration of 79 μg l
−1
(equating to up to 33% of the total arsenic). Previously published literature has focused primarily on the inorganic arsenic species, however this study highlights the potentially significant concentrations of organoarsenicals present in natural waters. The potential for separating and preserving individual arsenic species in the field to avoid transformation during transport to the laboratory, enabling an accurate assessment of in situ arsenic speciation in water supplies is discussed.
Argentina’s Missing Bones is the first comprehensive English-language work of historical scholarship on the 1976–83 military dictatorship and Argentina’s notorious experience with state terrorism ...during the so-called dirty war. It examines this history in a single but crucial place: Córdoba, Argentina’s second largest city. A site of thunderous working-class and student protest prior to the dictatorship, it later became a place where state terrorism was particularly cruel. Considering the legacy of this violent period, James P. Brennan examines the role of the state in constructing a public memory of the violence and in holding those responsible accountable through the most extensive trials for crimes against humanity to take place anywhere in Latin America.
The Patagonian Sublime provides a vivid, accessible, and cutting-edge investigation of the green economy and New Left politics in Argentina. Based on extensive field research in Glaciers National ...Park and the mountain village of El Chaltén, Marcos Mendoza deftly examines the diverse social worlds of alpine mountaineers, adventure trekkers, tourism entrepreneurs, seasonal laborers, park rangers, land managers, scientists, and others involved in the green economy.
Mendoza explores the fraught intersection of the green economy with the New Left politics of the Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner governments. Mendoza documents the strategies of capitalist development, national representation, and political rule embedded in the “green productivist” agenda pursued by Kirchner and Fernández. Mendoza shows how Andean Patagonian communities have responded to the challenges of community-based conservation, the fashioning of wilderness zones, and the drive to create place-based monopolies that allow ecotourism destinations to compete in the global consumer economy.
In many young democracies, local politics remain a bastion of nondemocratic practices, from corruption to clientelism to abuse of power. In a context where these practices are widespread, will local ...politicians ever voluntarily abandon them? Focusing on the practice of clientelism in social policy in Argentina, this book argues that only the combination of a growing middle class and intense political competition leads local politicians to opt out of clientelism. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, an original public opinion survey, and cross-municipal data in Argentina, this book illustrates how clientelism works and documents the electoral gains and costs of the practice. In doing so, it points to a possible subnational path towards greater accountability within democracy.
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